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JUN . 1 3 1009 

l^atbatO College libtarn 


(CUM M 1B14) 












37, Gkjut Russell Street, London, W.C. 


J\rt f I . \ 


COUNCIL, 1908. 

Prof. A. H. Savce, D.D., &c. 


The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York. 

The Right Re«. The Lord Bishop of Salisbury. 

The MoGt Hod. The Marquess of Northunplon. 

The Right Hon. ihe Eail of Halsbuiy, 

The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney. 

Walter Morrison. 

The Right Hon. Lord Peckovet of Wisbeacb. 

F. G. Hilton Price, Dir. S.A. 

W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A. 

The Right Hon. General Lord Grenfell, K.C.B., 4c,, &c 

Rev. J. Marshall, M.A. 

Joceph Pollard. 


Rev. Charles Ji 

Dr. H. Guter. 

F. U. Griffith, F.S.A. 

H. R. Hall, M.A. 

Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C1.E. 

F.R.S., &c. 
L. W. King, M.A. 
Frofl G. Maspero. 

Claude G. Montefiore. 
Prof. E. NaviUe. 
Edward S. M. Perowne, F.S..\. 
Rev. W. T. Filler. 
P. Scott- Moncrieff, M.A. 
R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. 
Edwaid B. Tylor, LL.D., 
F.R.S., &c. 

Heiiorary Tnaittnr — Bernard T. Bosauquet. 

Secrtlary—-^A'ia L. Nash, M.R.C.S. {Eng.), F.S.A. 

Honorary Secrttaryfar Fareign CoTrapendmei—Y . LtK*- 

Haatrarv Liirarian—Vftixtt L. Nash, M.R.C.S. (Eng.), F.S.A. 



Donations to the Library 
Election of Members 

2| 3^1 7^1 i^°i i^^i 2i°> ^54- 

2, 38, 120, 3IO 

No, ccxxii. January. 

The Council's Report for 1907 3 

R. H. Hall, M.A.—The Di-hetep-suten Formula. A* 

Funerary Stela of a Man from Gebelftn ; and other 

Notes. {2 Platts) 5-12 

Prof. A. H, Sayce, D.D., Notes on Assjiian and 

Egyptian History, An Aramaic Ostracon '3-19 

Margaret A. Murray. — The Coffin of Ta-5ath in the 

Brassey Institute at Hastings. {4 Plates) 20-24 

W. Attmore Robinson. — A Monument from Tshok- 

Goz-Kopriikoe. (I^ates) 25-37 

Prof. A. H. Sayce, B.!?. — Karian, Aramaic, and Greek 

Graffiti from Keshan. (PlaU) 28,29 

R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. — The Folk-lore of 

Mossou (in) 30-33 

Reviews 34-36 

No. CCXXII I. February, 

Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D. — An Aramaic Ostracon from 

Elephantine 39-4' 

Guillaume de Jerphanion. — Two New HittJte Monu- 
ments from the Cappadocian Taurus, (2 Pia/a) ... 42-44 

E. J. PiLCHER. — A Coin of Gaza, and the Vision of 
EzekieL {aplaUs) 45-5^ 

Theophilus G. Pinches. — The Legend of Merodach ... 53-62 

R, Campbell Thompson, M.A. — An Assyrian 

Incantation against Rheumatism 63-69 



The Rev. C. H. W. Johns, JT^.— The First Year of 

Samsu-iluna 70, 71 

The Editor. — Recent Discoveries in Egypt ... ... 72-74 

No. ccxxiv. March. 

Theophilus G. Pinches. — The Legend of Meiodach— 
(amlinued) 77-'IS 

F. Legge.— The Titles of the Thinite Kings 86-94 

The Rev. F. A. Jones. — The Ancient Year and the 
Sothic Cycle. {^Plates) -. 95-106 

The Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A.—^:\^e. Lost Ten Tribes 
oflsrael 107-115 

E, R. Ayrton. — Recent Discoveries in the Bibfln 
el-MolOk at Thebes. (PlaU) 116,117 

No. ccxxv. May. 

F. Legge.— The Titles of the Thinite Kings— (f<?«rf«»rrf). 

(9 PUtes) 121-12S 

W. E. Crum. — Place-Names in Deubner's Kosmas und 

Damian ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 125-136 

The Rev. C. H. W. Johns, j)/.^.— The Lost Ten Tribes 

oflsrael — {continued) ... 137-141 

Prof. A. H. Savce, D.D. — Greek Inscriptions from 

Upper Egypt 141-144 

R. C.\MPBELL Thompson, M.A. — An Assyrian 

Incantation against Rheumatism — (continued) 145-152 

W. L. Nash, F.S.A.«—^a\.ti on some Egyptian 

Antiquities (III), (a Plates) 153, 154 

E. W. HoLLiNCWORTH, .^.^.— The Hyksos and the 
Twelfth Dynasty 15S-15* 

Reviews 159 

No. ccxxvi. June. 

F. Legge.— The Titles of the Thinite 'K.m%s—{cmfinued). 

(iVaft) 163-177 


S, Langdom. — Surru, Shoulder. AiSrv, Assemble ... 178-181 
Prop. a. H. Sayce, Z>.Z>.— The Hitlite Inscriptions of 

Emir Ghazi and Aleppo. (Piate) iSa-191 

P. D. ScoTT-MONCRiEFF, M.A. — The.Ruincd Sites at 

Masawwarat es-Sufra and Naga. {6 Plaien) 192-203 

W. E. Crum. — A Coptic Ostracon 204,205 

A. F. R. Plait, M.S.— The Origin of the Name of the 

Island of Elephantine. {Piate) 206-207 

No. ccxxvii, November. 
Prof. A. H. Savce, D.D. — Hittite Inscriptions from 

Gurun and Emir Ghazi. (2 Plaits) 

The Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A. — On the Length of 

the Month in Babylonia 

E. O. WiNSTEDT. — Coptic Saints and Sinners' ... 
L. W. King, J/.^.— Sargon I, King of Kish, 

Shar-Gani-sharri, King of Akkad 

The Rev. C. J. Bali^ M.A.—K Phoenician Inscrip- 
tion of b.c. 1500 

R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. — An Assyrian 
Incantation against Rheumatism — {(ontinued) ... 

No. ccxxviii. December. 

W. E. Crum.— A Greek Diptych of the Seventh Century. 

(2 Plates) 255-265 

S. Langdon.— Lexicographical Studies (I and II) ... 266-271 

F. Ll. Griffith. — A Contract of the Fifth Year of 
Amenhotp IV. (Plate) 272-275 

E. O. W I NSTEDT.— Coptic Saints and Sinners — 

(continued) ... ... ... ... ... ... 276-183 

H. H. Spoer, Pk.D.— Notes on Some New Samaritan 

Inscriptions. (5 Plates) 284-291 

W. L. Nash, F.S.A. — Notes on some Egyptian 

Antiquities (IV). (2 Plates) 292, 293 

Title Page and Contents. 




Stela of the Goldsmith Fenamitur , 

A Greek Mummy-Ticket 

The Coffin of Ta-Sath (4 PlaUs) 

A Monument from Tshok-Goz-Kopriikoe 

Karian Inscriptions 

Two New HMte Monuments (2 i%iilw) 

A Coin of Gaza (a iyaC«) 

The Ancient Year {4 PlaUs) 


Titles of the Thinite Kings <io Plates) 

Egyptian Antiquities (4 /?<!/«) 

Hittite Inscriptions of Emir Ghazi and Aleppo 190 

Ruined Sites at Masawwarat and Naga (6 Plates) ... 191, 

194, 196, 198, aoc 

Island of Elephantine 306 

Hittite Inscriptions from Gunin and Emir Ghazt (a Plates) 216 

A Greek Diptych (i /Vdrtj) j6a 

A Contract of the Fifth Year of Amenhotp IV 272 

Samaritan Inscriptions (5 Plates) 286, 288, 390 





.28, 17& 

154, 29* 




Part i. 





First Meeting, January IJ/A, 1908. 


The CouncU^ Report for 1907 

H. R. Hall, M-A.-ltit Di-luttp-^tn FonnuU. A Funerary 

SteU of a Man from Gebeien ; and olher Notes. (2 Ptatts) ... 

Prof. A. H. Sayce, ^.Z>.— Notes on Assfrian and E^yptiaii 


MxRGAKET A. MuftEAV.— The Coffin ofTa-oalh, in the Brassey 


Prof. A- H. Saycb, iJ. A-Karian, Aramaic, and Greek Graffiti 

R. CahfbbllThomfson,jI/:<4.— The Folklore of MoEsonl. III. 


37, Great Russbll Stebet, London, W.C. 

19 08. 


37, Great Russell Strkbt, Lohdoh, W.C. 


I, Put I 












Vol VI, 1 
„ f VII, 
n VII, 
.. VII, 
„ VIII, 
„ VIII, 
» VIII, 


Voli. I— XXVII. Fricet o 

o application to the Sectetu;. 



General Index to Vols. XI-XX 




... 13 


„ XXVIIl, 

Part a 


... 11 

6 » 




... 13 

6 „ 

„ XXVIIl, 

Put 4 


6 n 

,. XXVIIl, 



... 11 

6 .. 

„ XXVIIl, 

Put 6 


... 13 

6 » 

„ XXVIIl, 



... 13 

6 ., 

„ XXIX, 

Pari I 


fi .. 

„ XXIX, 



... 10 


„ XXIX, 

Part 3 


... 13 

6 „ 

„ XXIX, 

Part 4 


... 13 

« ,. 

„ XXIX, 



6 „ 

„ XXIX, 

Put 6 


... 13 

^ •> 

„ XXIX, 



6 „ 

„ XXX, 

F^rt 1 


... 10 


A few complete sets of the Transaccionc and Proceedings sdU remain on 
sale, which may be obtained on application to the Secretary, W. I_ Nash, 
r.S.A., 37. Oreal Kussell Street, LoidoD, W.C. 






First {Anniversary) Meeting, January i^tk, 1908, 
W. H. RYLANDS, Esq., F.S.A. iVia-Prtsiden^ 


[No. CCXXIl.] r A 



The following gifts to the Library were announced, and 
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 
From the Author, Prof. E. Naville, £>.€.£.— "The Origin of 

Egyptian Civilization." 
From the Author, M. N. Adler, Esq. — "The Itinerary of Benjamin 

of Tudela." 
From W. E. Cmm, Esq. — "Amulets" {Calaiogve Gin. du Musie 

iu Cain). 
From the Author, Jean Capait. — "Une rue de tombeaux i 

Saqqarah." iVtlh 100 J^ates. 
From the Author, the Rev. Dr. Joseph Homer. — "The Gospels of 

Matthew and Luke." 


The following donation has been received : — 
The Hon. Miss E. Plunket (jrrf donation) £1 

The Rev. C. L. Bedale, M.A., 
was elected a Member of the Society, 

The Council's Report for 1907, and the Statement of 
Receipts and Expenditure were formally presented to the 

The following Resolutions were proposed and seconded 
and unanimously agreed to : — 

That the Council's Report and the Statement of Accounts be 
received and adopted, and be issued with the next Part of 
the Proceedings. 
That thanks be returned to the Council and Officers for their 

services during the past year. 
That the Council and Officers be re-elected for the ensuing 

The following Paper was read : — 

F. Legqe, Esq. : " The Titles of the Thinite Kings." 
Thanks were returned for this communication. 




At the openinfT of the Thirty-eighth Session of the Society we have 
first to notice the deaths of five Members since the last Report. Among 
these may be specially mentioned Mr. C. Martin, one of our oldest 
Members, while the other deaths include the Right Rev. H. Tully 
Kingdon, D.D., Anglican Bishop of Fredericton, Canada, and the Rev. 
Dr. Lamy, S.J., of Louvain, in Belgium. The Council is sure that they 
are only giving voice to the wishes of the Members in deploring the toss 
of these valuable supporters and in condoling with the families of those 
thus taken from us. They have further to regret the resignation, from 
dtfierent causes, of six other Members, the increasing demand upon the 
purses of those interested in arclueology by the multiplication of Funds 
and Societies being the reason assigned for their withdrawal in the 
majority of cases. On the other hand, the Council are glad to announce 
the election, during the past year, of seventeen new Members, which 
brings up the total Membership to 406, or six more than the figure at 
which it Stood in the last Report. This is siitl, however, rather less than 
the total of even a. few years ago, and it is hoped that the Members will 
not relax their efforts to obtain desirable recruits. 

The financial position of the Society is a little better than last year, 
and although the expenditure on repairs to the House has been unusually 
heavy during the past Session, we arc able to begin the present one with a 
balance of .^155 17s. yi. For this satisfactory result the Society is again 
indebted to the unremitting exertions and the discriminating vigilance of 
the Secretary, Dr. Nash. For the first time for many years it has been 
found possible to add to the Library by the purchase of several expensive 
books often enquired for and urgently needed. 

The Meetings of the Society during the past year have been better 
attended than has sometimes been the case, and the optical iantem has 
been used at most of them — it is believed to the satisfaction of the 
Members. The Papers read have more than maintained the reputation 
of the Society for solid and learned work, and, together with the con- 
tributors of many years standing, Mr. Campbell Thompson and 
Mr. E. R. Ayrton deserve hearty thanks for their valuable and original 
Papers on " The Folklore of Mossoul " and " The Tomb of Queen Thyl," 
respectively. Special attention may also be drawn to the series of Papers 
contributed by Mr. F. Legge under the title of " The Tablets of Negadah 
and Abydos," which have received much favourable notice on the 
Continent and elsewhere. 

3 A 2 



COUNCIL, 1908. 

PROF. A. H. Savcb, D.D., &e. 


Thk Most Rev. His Gkace The Lord Archbishop of York. 

The Right Rbv. the Lord Bishop of Sausrorv. 

The Most Hon. the Marqobss of Northampton. 

The Right Hon. the Earl of Halsburv. 

The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney. 

Walter Morrison. 

The Right Hon. Lord Pbckover of Wisbeach. 

F. G. Hilton Price, Dir. S.A. 

W. Harrv Rylands, F,S.A. 

The Right Hon. General Lord Grenfell, K.C.B, &c., &c. 

The Right Rev. S. W. Allen-, D.D. (R.C. Bishop of Shiewsbniy). 

Rkv. J. Marshall, M.A. 

Joseph Pollard. 


Rf.v. Charles James Ball, M.A. 

Dr. M. G aster. 

F. Ll Grifpith, F.S,A. 

H. R. Hall, M.A. 

Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.I.E., 

F.R.S., &c. 
L. W, Kino, M.A. 
Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c. 
Prop. G. Masfkro. 

Claude G. Momtefiore. 
Prof. E. Naville. 
Edward S. M. Pbrowne, F.S.A. 
Rev, W. T, Piltbr. 
P. Scott-Moncriefp, M.A. 
R. Cahpbbll Thompson, M.A. 
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., 
F.R.S., Sc. 

Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet. 

Jerre/aiT— Walter L. Nash, M.R.C.S. (£»/.), F.S.A, 

Hamrary Secrtiary for FtreigH Cerrespoadaut — F. LlGOK. 

Hvmrary Liirarian—VfALTRti L. Nash, M.R.C.S. {Sig--), F.S.A. 





By H. R. HAL^ M.A. 

The I A Formula. 

In translating this fonnuk in the inscription given below, I have 

regarded the A . . . . as optative, and the god invoked as the 

subject of both : he (originally Anubis) is asked to give a royal 

oblation, a king's offering, hetep-suUn, to the ka. This is a partial 

return to the older view, in which I was translated "royal 

To a 

oblation." Of late the view has been taken that the 1 is the 
subject of A, the god the subject of , or both of A when 

does not occur. As expressed by Prof. Erman in his 
Handbook of Egyptian Religion (Eng. transL), p. ia4, the transla- 
tion could run, "May the king give an offering ; may the god 

give " or, "An offering that the king gives, and the god; he 

gives . . . ." But the evidence for this personal intervention of 
the king in the burial of every man in the earliest period, as stated 
by Prof. Erhan, seems to me to be weak. It rests on this hypo- 
thetical translation of 1 A and the fact that the kings often 
took an active interest in the burial of their more important subjects. 
The translation being hypothetical, other hypothetical translations 
are possible, which do not demand the theory of invariable royal 



gifts of food for the ka in the archaic period to every man who could 
afford decent burial. Instead of proclaiming "an offering that the 
king always gives and that Anubis gives," is it not more probable 
that one prayed that Anubis would give such an offering as the king 
would give, if he had occasion to, and one worthy, therefore, of the 
god : a king's offering, I ? 

I admit that it is convenient to be able to translate 

1 A • as "May one make for thee an offering that 

the king giveth, consisting of ,..."; the presence of the verb A 
seems to preclude the translation " May one make for thee a king's 

offering . . . ." But I think that the formula "May give 

a king's offering" had become at an early period a mere conventional 
phrase, di-ktttp-suten, and that one could describe people as "doing 
a di-Heiep-suten," and say, " May one make for thee a di-heUp-iuten, a 
give-king's-offering, consisring of . . . ." So Aal^mes, on the stela 
of Teta-shera, " stretched forth his arm and bent his hand and made 
for her the * May Geb and the Nine Gods, etc, . . . give a king's 
offering,' consisting of "{^P'=J J^ i'^^ZI^^^I 

The sign A was sometimes omitted ; " May the god ketep-mten to the 
^ of . . . . " ; this shows bow meaningless it had become even under 
the Middle Kingdom. In many inscriptions the name of a god is 
altogether omitted : are we then to suppose that the king only is in- 
voked ? Does I ^ A \J mean " An offering that the kii^ gives 
to the ^d of .... "P Is it not equally probable that no king was 
invoked at all, but that the phrase " May .... give-king's-offering " 
having become conventional, the name of the god was sometimes 
omitted as much as the sign A was in other cases ? It seems to me 
that such .a typical example of the simplest form of the phrase as 

better translated " May Osiris, prince of eternity, give a king's offering 
to the ka of the priest of ihe necropolis Ankhu, justified and 


Jan. 15] NOTES. [1908. 

venerated," than "An oflering that the king gives and that Ostris, 
prince of eternity, gives," etc. Why should the king come first, 
unless he were giving the offering io Anubis, Osiris, or Amen-R2 for 
the Ita of Ankhu or PenamiturP 

In later times ihe fonnuta was evidently taken to mean this, and 
we get 1 A """""-wv^v ri'^ K N., which meant either "May 

Ihe king give offerings to the Sarapis N.," or, as I think more 
probable, "Royal offerings given to the Sarapis N,"; but in view of 
the fact that in the ancient inscriptions the »»» never appears, we 
must take its Ptolemaic appearance to be an attempt to make sense 
of an incomprehensible formula. We cannot then regard A as 
originally a perfect participle active (cf. A TT , " the life-given," 
according to one view),' and as final, translated "a royal offer- 

ing ^i;/i to the god .... in order (hat he may give . . . ." The 
verb seems to be in both cases either optative or indicative, and the 
subject of both, if it ts not the king and the god, must be the god 
alone, and this seems to me to be the most probable alternative^ 
He is asked to give to the justified and venerated dead man such an 
offering as a king would give to him : "the veiy best of everythii^" 
in fact — thousands of oxen, geese, and so forth. Perhaps there is in 
the phrase 1 A no more than this. 

A Man of Gebel£n. 

A small funerary stela (Plate I), in the possession of Mr. R. G. 
Stannard, bears the following inscription : — 

' Which certBinly seemi the most probable one. We may compare the same 
phnte io Sumerian, used of Babylonian kings an theii sutues : ^ the name of 
the statue " UQlo-Giidea-the-builder-of-the-(em|^-halh-Iire'beeo-g:iven.'* 




Vi ^Up-suten Amen-Rd tub pet, di-f ^att-fn r& neb, ankh ne/er didi 
n k^f Ptah lepsi neb Hn^ /dm, dt-f&k m ^^j'"' dm-fn ka n unbi 

" May Amen-RS, lord of heaven, give a king's ofTering : may he give 
his daily gifts that are praised (fit. ' his praised-things of every 
day *), die good life that Pta^i the venerable, lord of life and 
strength, giveth to his ia ; may he give entrance among the 
illuioinated (/('/. 'knowers,' rekhiut) who are with him to the ka 
of the goldsmith Pen-aa-em-atur (Penaroitur, Penemior)." 

In the third line the sign ^^ is confused with /^^ . 

The stela is a small one of grey steaschist, unglazed, with rounded 
top. .^bove the inscription stand two Amen-nuns facing each other : 
each has an uncus on his head, and above him is inscribed the god's 
name, (I aww- . Over both flies the winged sun-disk. The rams and 
the disk are moderately well cut in relief: the inscription is incised. 
The date of the object is evidently about the time of the XlXth 

The name of the goldsmith Pen-aa-em-atur, or Penamitur 
(probably pronounced something like " Penemioor"), "He who 
belongs to Isle-in-Stream," would be in Arabic GebelCni, "the man 
of Gebelfin." The modem GebelSn was in ancient times an island, 
and on it stood a town which bore the name of Aa-m-atur, 
\©, o"^ *""! ^k 1] '^ S"«*j^, "Isle-in-stream." 
As the o of the word dtur was early dropped in pronundation, the 
word was pronounced tur, tor, Coptic eioop, and so the name of 
the town on Gebel^n must at the time this stele was made have 
sounded s(»nething like lemiar or Emior {Amur),^ so that the name 
of the goldsmith, ?\ (I Wi , " He of Gebelfin," must 

have been pronounced Penimior or Penemior- 

• Id Demotic the lomu fflfwr aJ* vf i), and^mur aJ* yf iaj, ate 
found, lee Spikiblbbic, Eigtmtamett, pp. 68*, 58, Following DijuiCHBN, 
Prof. Spibqblbekg speaks of AmiCur as" welches auf einei losel gcgeniiber Gebelen 
lag," and gives Krall, Btilragt (refetied to below), p. 3, as his authority. Bui 
I cannot find ihat Krall has done moie than merely quote Dumichbn as holdii^ 
this Ixlief : he himself Mems rather to hold wiih Darkssv {Rrmeil, i, 140), (hat 
Atnitur was at GebelEn itself. And this seems to me more probable, Gebelte 
having in all probability been an idand till a late period. 



Jan. is] NOTES. [1908. 

Two thousand years later, at the end of the Roman period, 
Gebelfen bore, as we learn from the official records of the rule of the 
Blemmyes in Upf)er Egypt, the names Temsir and Tanart The first- 
named could only be brought into connection with the ancient lemior 
by somewhat drastic methods, which seem haidly justified. In the first 
place, we should have to assume a change of gender for the word 
" island," or at any rate a popular confusion of aa, " island," 

which is masculine, and aat, "dwelling-place." It is true that 

in Ptolemaic texts '•-"-J is sometimes written when C^ is meant : 
there is a good example in the name of Philae, sometimes spelt 
□ P-aa-r^-i (pronounced Pilak).^ But this is a mere 

mis-writing : there was probably no confusion in speaking between 
the words /-««, "the island," and t-aa, "the dwelling" — Philae was 
never called " Thilae" — so that if the name of Gebelfin was ever 
given the article it was certainly pronounced *Pimior or *Phemior, 
never Temior, for which we might otherwise have supposed that 
TGUuip was perhaps a mistake. Nor can we suppose that the 
other name, Tanare, is really a mistake for Tamare, which might be 
a form of amur with a feminine article. Were the name written 
"Panare" or "Phanare" we might well suppose that we ought 
to emend the n to m, and read Pamare = P-amur. But it is 

' liuch confusions in writing were not rare in the later period, t.g., in the 
componnd place-name ^^ _^ ^J^ ^ q «**« ^ J ciOi funscribed from the 
Demotic, in which script the now mule feminine ending -/ was constantly inter- 
polated where it had no right to be {F.S.B.A., xxTii (1905), p. 119}. The Creek 
form of this name, Ba>iTBit, shows thai the final clement in Lhe name is really the 
TOascoline a^, perhaps "stele" (rather than "palace," as in P.S.B.A., loc. at.), 
and not the feminine Sial ; the masculine definite article was evidently pronounced, 
though it is not found written in the Demotic form. Characteristicalty, the pljce- 
"""^ ^m. T A csO '* found in hieroglyphs (Brugsch, Dia. G/ap: 476) ; (his is 
more probably a mis-writing for/-a^ than for t-ahaU (The Demotic form of the 
name Bompae nn Ihe Brit. Mus. bilingual tablets, aJ<iT' aJi^ u. 

shows that Spiegblbebg's proposed form for it, J _p ^^ ,JJ^ J^ ^i] ^=^ © 
{jEgyft. Eigennamttt, p. 67*) is erroneous, though no doubt as pronounced the 
name was veij- like UA-U-HA-fH ; see P.S.B.A., I.e., p. III). 



From GEBELtN : " Kharakhein and Khar.uieu (P)." 

One of the most interesting sets of Egyptian documents of late age 
published during the last few years is the number of letters, etc, deal- 
ing with the rule of the Blemmyes and Nubians in Upper Egypt, which 
were said to have been found at Gebel6n, and are published by Krall 
in his Beitragt zur GesciuchU der Bletnyer und Nuiier. The finest of 
these documents is the Greek will of a basilisk (regulus) of the 
Blemmyes, handing over to the rule of two of his sons the island of 
Tanare, which, as Krall says, seems to be GebelSn, then an island, 
as its old Egyptian name " Isle in the Stream," shows. On a similar 
document another chief named Pakytimne (?) gives the same isle of 
Tanare to "P6ae the most noble priest," one of the medicine-men 
of the still heathen Blemmyes ; here the island has also the by-name 

Krall reads the name of the prince who gave Tanare to his sons 
as Charachen (xAp&jCHH), and the names of the sons as Chara- 
patchur (xipAnATjcoTp) and Charahiet (jc<*p«*?i6T). The 
reading XApAfiATjcoTp is certainly correct, so that the first son's- 
name is Kharapatkhour ; but, after an examination of the deed at 
Cairo, it seems to me more probable that the king's name is written 
XApAxeiu than XApdOCHH, and that the name of the second son 
should be read jCApAi.ieT (or, at any rate, XApAi.ieT), not 
XAp&7ieT. These two names should then be Kharakhein and 
Kbaiazieu or Kharaziet, not KharakhSn and Kharabiet. The 
alteration from H to ei in the first name would make no difference 
in the sound of the name, so that the correction may seem im- 
material ; but this is not the case with the second name. The 
interjection of a single instance of a Coptic z into a Greek deed of 
the first half of the fifth century,* to which it probably belongs, seems 
to me very doubtful, and I cannot see any particular dilference 
between the supposed z of the name " Charahiet " and the i, with 
which the name of Laize, occurring in the same document, is written. 
I therefore read the name Kharazieu or Kharaziet. 

' Krall dales it to the last half of the century. The name Sansnos which 
ur* on it would incline one to prefer an earliei date, if possible. 


Mo HON =^ Mehendi. 

In the Coptic document also pubUshed by Krall in the same 
places which was written in the reign of the Nubian king Kyrikos, 
who invaded Egypt in 737 a.d. to compel the release of the 
patriarch Khafl, occurs the name of a town uu>eu>M. Prof, Krall 
proposed to identify this place with Mdhenli, a place in the ApoUi- 
ropolite nome, but mentioned in a note at the same time that a 
place called Mehendi existed south of Hierasykaminos. It seems 
to me that the document being dated in the reign of a Nubian 
king, and having probably been written in Nubia (since we have no 
proof that Kyrikos actually ruled the Satd : he only invaded and 
plundered it), a Nubian place is more likely to be intended than an 
Egyptian one, and that the well-known Mehendi, or Ikhmindi, 
"south of Hierasykaminos," is the ancient Mohon.' Here there are 
still the remains of a mediaeval Nubian town, and it is not impossible 
that this Moljon-Mehendi was the capital, the king's seat, of the 
conquering Kyrikos. The document being in the form of a letter 
addressed to persons residing at Mohon may very well have been 
found at Mehendi. 

A Greek Mummy-Ticket. 

Plate n shows a mummy-ticket in the possession of the Egypt 
Exploration Fund. On the Obverse Is the Greek inscription ; on 
the Reverse is traced in ink a l^re of the jackal Anubis, seated 
on a stand, with what is possibly intended for a collar with menal- 
counterpoise round his neck. The inscription reads — 

"Senplenis, (daughter of) Senpapo^i^, (and) wife of P16in-the-elder ; 
55 years (old)." 

' The name is also spelt At«ffadf oa a stela mentioned by Mr. Crum, ef. 
E.E.F., Arckataltgical Report, 1906-7, p. 77. 



Senplenis is TSenpiiin, "the daughter of Plein," which was also 
the name of her husband. The name Plei'n or Pleine was birlj' 
common as late as the seventh to ninth centuries, ^. my Greek and 
Coptic Inscriptions of the Christian Period in the British Museum, 
PP- 3*1 73t 94) ^^S' The form Pldnos also seems to occur; cf. ib., 
p. 140. On these mummy-tablets, four hundred years earlier, only 
the Graeciied form Plenis has hitherto been found : the above is the 
oldest instance of the real form, Plein. Neither its meaning nor 
that of the mother's name, Senpapoeie, are clear. The latter is 
"daughter of Papoeie," a name that may be compared with Pabaious 
and the feminine Tbaiai, Jil/|iitii4? (Spiegelberc, Eigennamen, 
p. 21*), or with P-abiuu, ^*^w^m, Pebos, "the panther" (ib., 
p. 57). But these identifications are not altogether satisfactory : the 
name may be "The daughter of him who belongs to Poeie," perhaps 
a village. IIov/ii* is probably simply a by-name, "the great" or 
"the elder." 


S.B.j4. Prorttding!, Jan 


'e R. C. Stanimrd, Esq. 



S.B.A. PrcKtidings, Jan., 1908. 






Bv Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D. 


I can throw a little more light on the names of the Assyrian 
kings which have come doirn to us from Ktesias in a more or less 
corrupted form. The i6th king is Askatades (Sync.) or Astakadis 
(Euseb.), who was followed by Amyntes, Belokhos II, Balatores 
(Sync.) or Bellepares (Euseb.), L^m prides, Sosares, Lam pares, 
Panyaa, Sosannos, and Mithraios. It is now some years ago since 
I pointed out that Sosares and Sosannos are variants of an Assyrian 
Samas-Ramman, the two elements of which are reversed in Arma- 
mithres, the 7th king, who is made the predecessor of Belokhos I 
and the successor of Baleus. Samas regularly becomes 2bi9 in 
Greek — Shesh in the Hebrew Shesh-bazzar — and Samas-Ramman II, 
the conqueror of Media, is represented by Sosarmos in Ktesias's list 
of Median kings. It is true that in the name of Hadad-nirari the 
name of the deity was pronounced Hadad or Adad by the Assyrians; 
but the divine name is also written Ram-ma-nu, Ra-man, and 
Ra^ma-nu, and the Biblical Hadad-Rimmon is evidence that the 
two names were equivalent and interchangeable. The Persian 
representative of Samas is Mitra, Greek Mithres or Mithras ; hence 
Mithraios is merely a translation of Sosarmos and Sosares, and 
Arma-mithres is but another form of Arma-s&s. It may be noted 
that Tukulti-In-aristi calls himself " the Sun-god of all mankind." 

I have further pointed out that the Belitaras and Belitanas of the 
Ktesian list, as given by George the Syncellus and Photius, is the 
BelStaras of Agathias {De regn. Just., 11, 25, rs). Belitaras, 



according to Bion and Polyhistor, had been the gardener of Beleous, 
the last of the Deiketades or Dellcetades, whom he overthrew and 
whose crown he seized, fieleous will be the BSIdkhos of Ktesias 
<also written Belokhoos), and the Derketades, who are called the 
descendants of Semiramis, are simply the descendants of the goddess 
Derketo, that is to say 'Atar-gatis or Istar, the goddess of Nineveh. 
The Askatades of Ktesias is clearly a corruption of Derketades, 
which has been still further corrupted into Astakadis. 

All this I first pointed out twenty-two years ago. But I can now 
add something more. Lampares, with the Greek patronymic Lam- 
prides which has been formed from it, shows that Bel-lepares must 
be the Bilu-labiru, "Bet the elder," of Tiglath-pileser I, to whom a 
temple was dedicated at Assur. Panyas, which is formed like Ninyas 
from Ninos, is probably taken from the Assyrian paniu, " the older," 
a synonym of labim, rather than from sar pani, " former king," It is 
possible that there may be also a reference to the fact that the 
ideographic name of Assur was " the city of the old dynasty " {pa!i 
iabiri). Bellepares, which is the spelling of Jerome, appears as 
Balepares in the Chrotticon oi Eusebius (II, 36) and Belleropares — 
with an obvious reminiscence of the name of Bellerophon — in the 
excerpts of the Latin Barbarus. 

In another passage of the Chronieon (I, 65), however, Eusebius 
writes Balatores, the Belftaras of Agathias, further transformed by 
Photius into Belitanas, whose tomb, according to Ktesias, was the 
temple of Bel at Babylon. If the conjecture is right that Belitanas 
is Tfl^M'TQ "Bel the elder," Ktesias will have confounded the 
temple of Bel-Merodach at Babylon with the temple of the older 
Bel at Nippur; In any case the form Bel^taras is due to the 
"euhemerism" which associated the name of Bilu^abiru with the 
fall of the first Assyrian dynasty. la-aristi-pal-esarra, according to 
his descendant Tiglath-pileser I,' was the founder of a new line of 
Assyrian kings about B.C. 1200, the old line apparently ending with 
Bel-kudu r-utsur, and as Belokhos could correspond with the abbre- 
viated form of the name Bel-kudu r-utsur, so in Bel€tares we could 
have the pal-esarra or pileser of In-aristi-pal-esarra. Amyntes is the 
Greek translation of natsir or vtsur, and it is noticeable that the 

' A fragmeiilai)' insciiption, however, recently found by the German excava- 
tors at Qal'at Sheiqat makes In-aiisti-psl-esarra tlie son of Eiba-Hadad {Mill. d. 
D. Orimt-Gesellsihafl, April, 1905, p. 60). It is possible that the Aima-mithres 
of Ktesias may have been influenced by the name of Erba-Hadad. 



same length of reign (45 years) is ascribed to him as to the other 
two kings, Fanyas and Laosthenes, who bear Greek names in the 
Ktesian list. 

The changes are thtis rung in the list on the following names : 
Belokhos II = Amyntes = AskaUdes (Derketades), Bel-lepares = 
Lampares = Panyas, Sosannos = Sosares = Lamprides = Mithraios. 
A Samas-Ramman, it may be added, built the temple of Bel in 
Assur, called the House of the Bull of the World, which may have 
been the same as the temple of Bel-Iabiru (see IV.A.I., 1, 14, 87). 

The same names, with slight alterations, recur in an earlier part 
of the list of Ktesias, where, however, their order is reversed. Here 
we have (i) Baleus, of which Xerxes, the Persian Khshayirsh^ is 
given as an equivalent, (1) Arma-mithres, i.e., Sos-armos, (3) Belo- 
khos I, {4) Balaios, " he who belongs to Bel " (the elder), and 
^5) Altadas, which a comparison with the variant Sethos in the 
Syncellus shows must be a corruption of Askatades, i.e., Derketades. 
Altadas is followed by Mamitos, the Assyrian deity Mamit, redupli- 
cated a little later in the list under the form of Mamylos, i.e., Mama- 
ilu, "Mama the god," where, however, Eusebius has Mamitos II; 
by Mankhaleus or Askhalios, which I cannot explain ; and by 
Sphatros with its duplicate Sparetos or Sparthaios. Light is thrown 
on the latter hy bricks found by the German excavators on the site 
of Assur, from which we learn that Assur-nirari I built, or rebuilt, 
the temple of Bel-sipria. By the side of sipri we also have sipriti. 

Mithraios is fitly followed by Thinaios "he of the Moon-god 
(Sin)," Teutamos or Tautanes and Teutaios being interposed between 
them. But this is because Teutamos was reputed to have sent help 
to Troy, and the siege of Troy in the chronolc^y of Ktesias would 
have taken place at this particular point. Teutaios seems to be " he 
of the sea-coast," Assyrian Tarati or Tavti, a native word with which 
the Teutamos of Greek legend was ingeniously connected. 

The names which come after that of Thinaios are more difficult 
to interpret, partly because the reading is in more than one instance 
doubtful Derkylos, when compared with Mamylos, is probably 
Derke(to)-ilu ; Pyriatides or Pertiades, " the son of the Euphrates 
(Puratu)," and Ophrataios, "he of the Euphrates," explain themselves, 
and indicate the transference of the list from Assyria on the Tigris 
to Babylonia on the Euphrates. Thonos-Konkoleros, we are told, 
was the ijardanapallos of the Greeks; perhaps we should read 
IConkoderos and identify the name with that of Kandalanu. 




It has long since been observed that Semi ram is is the 
Assyrian ^ammu-rainat, the name of the wife of the Assyrian king 
Hadad-nirari III. But 6ammu ramat itself has hitherto been diffi- 
cult to explain. Now, however, the contract-tablets of the age of 
Khammu-rabi show ihat it is an old West-Semitic (and not purely 
Babylonian) name which belongs to the period when Babylon first 
became the capital of Babylonia and was provided with walls of 
defence. Among the names collected by Dr. Ranke which charac- 
terise this epoch is iumu-ramfi, the masculine correspondent of 
Sam(m)u-tamat. ^umu and ^mu are variant readings of the name 
of the West-Semitic god who represents phonetically the Hebrew 
Shem, and, as Dr. Ranke points out {Early JBafylonian Personal 
Names, p. 137), ^umu ramfi is a formation similar to the hypocoristic 
Ramayatum and the Hebrew Remaiah (Ezra x, 15). It is quite 
possible that Semiramis (^mu-ramat) was a historical character, the 
wife of Khammu-rabi or some other king of the First dynasty of 
Babylon, though popular tradition subsequently confounded her with 
the goddess Istar of Nineveh. 


The Sepiuagint counts 2262 years from the Creation to 
the Deluge (b.c 3246). According to Africanus there were 2280 
from Menes to the end of the Eleventh dynasty and of the first 
Tomos of Manetho, with which therefore we may conclude that 
the first period of Egyptian history was supposed to end. When, 
however, we add together the years assigned by Africanus to the 
several kings and dynasties we find that they amount, not 10 2280, 
but to 3263 years, which is practically identical with the 2162 years 
of the Septuagint. Considering the efforts made by the Septiiagint 
translators to harmonise the Hebrew chronology with the Egyptian 
by altering the dates of the Hebrew text, it is impossible to believe 
that the coincidence can be accidental. In other words, the 
Manethonian chronology must have been known to the translators, 
and, accepting the dates usually assigned to the Septuagint trans- 
lation of the Pentateuch on the one side and to Manetho on the 
other, it becomes probable that Manetho's chronology was one 



which was already established among %yptian historians before 
Manetho's work appeared. 

From the Deluge to the migration of Jacob into ^ypt the 
Septuagint reckons 1363 yeai^ As this number is obtained by 
ariiitrarily changing the Hebrew text and interpolating a new patri- 
arch into the list, there must have been a special object in inventing 
it. Now one of the Hyksos kings has been shown by scarabs to 
have had the name of Jacob^l, abbreviated into Jacob, and with 
him, I believe, the Alexandrine Jews must have identified their own 
ancestor. We know from Josephus how ready they were to see 
their Israelitish forefathers in the Hyksos. If we knew the precise 
place of Jacob-el in the three Hyksos dynasties, we should thus have 
their chronology fixed according to the Manethonian scheme ; as it 
is, the chronology approximates to that which Bockm and Wiede- 
mann have obtained from the imperfect daU of Africanus and 
Eusebius, and altogether excludes the shortened chronoli^y at 
present in feshion among the Berlin school of Egyptologists. 


In the Armenian Chronicle of Eusebius the Manethonian 
predecessors of Menes are given, but in a confused way. First of 
all we are told that the gods, Manes, demi-gods and three pre-Menic 
dynasties down to Bytes reigned xltt^ether 13,090 lunar years. 
Then we learn that the demi-gods (including the Manes) reigned 
"55 years. Then there were "other" kings for 1817 years, 30 
Memphites for 1790 years and 10 Thinites for 350 years. Finally 
it is said that the Manes and demigods reigned for 5813 years, the 
predecessors of Menes reigning altogether 11,000 years. At first 
sight the numbers seem hopelessly confused and contradictory. 

When, however, we add together tass + "817 + 1790 + 350 + 
5813 the sum total is 1I1O351 that is approximately 11,000, and if we 
suppose the reign of Bytes to have been computed at 35 years the 
number will be exactly Ji,ooo. This would leave (13,090 — 11,035 
=:) 3055 years only for the gods. But as the reign of the demi-gods 
and Manes is put at 1355 years in one place and at 5S13 years in 
another, we may conclude that the demi-gods have been counted 
twice, once with the Manes and once with the gods, and so obtain 
(5813 — iaS5 =) 4558 years extra for the gods. 


Jan. 15] 



Bytes I identify with Buzau, which Prof. Naville has shown is 
the true reading of the second name of the king called Nar-mer by 
Prof. Petrie. The archaeological evidence makes it clear that Nar 
Buzau was the immediate predecessor of Menea. 

Hence, according to the Armenian Eiisebius, Manetho's arrange- 
ment- of the pre-Menic dynasties would have been: — 

(i) Gods 

(3) Manes 

(3) Other kings 

(4) Memphites, i.e., kings of Lower Egypt 
(s) Thinites, i.e., kings of Upper Egypt ... 

the last king of the fifth dynasty being Bytes. 


At the northern end of the Gebel el-Tfikh, on the eastern 
side of the Nile, are the remains of a fortified town, of which little 
has now been left by the sebakhin. In one place is a flight of 
fifteen steps cut in the rock, which lead at present to a shekh's tomb. 
In the clifT below the wall of the city are some tombs of the Pharaonic 
age, and in the desert at the foot of the Gebel an extensive cemetery 
of the Roman and Coptic periods, which has been hopelessly 
plundered by the natives. The cemetery was planted on the site of 
a " prehistoric " one. The town must be the Thomu of the itinerary 
of Antoninus Augustus. Thomu lay between Panopolis or Ekhmtm 
and Chenoboscion (Qasr es-Sayy&d), being 4 Roman miles from the 
former place and 50 miles from the latter. The distances would 
agree very fairly with the actual mileage, and there is no ancient 
site' Southward of Ekhmlm that is nearer to the last-named city. 

The Aramaic ostracon which I obtained at Elephantine in 
1900, and which has been published by Mr. Cowlev as Osttakon I 
{Proetedings, June 1903), has received a good deal of elucidation 
from the Assuan papyri which I have lately been engaged in 
editing. A re-examination of the ostracon shows that Mr. Cowley 
is right in reading mi and 17n in lines 2 and 5 of the concave 



side. In line i Prof. Clermont-Ganneau sees in IVCn the 
Aramaic word for " shop," but this seems to make no sense here, and 
a word tike "vessel" or "philtre" is required. 1 would now suggest 
the following translation for the whole inscription : 

Convex Side : " Now [writes X] the . . rian to Malchiah my 
master, in regard to the document, that vhen you hear that thy 
princes (?) have paid tribute in Assuan send to me ; behold, there 
is come the papyrus which thou hast (?) in the hand ; send it to 
me ; and the papyrus which I sent to you is part of (?) the papyrus ; 
and the great papyrus which Malchiah gave to them, send ; it 
belongs to it." 

Concave Side : " Now, behold, the vessel (?) which Uriah 
has given to me for the libation ; convey it to Gemariah the son of 
Achi(^ and he shall prepare it with the beer, and do you mix it for 
Uriah, Moreover, behold [Pe]tosiris ; and he (Gemariih) shall go 
and write it on his (Petosiris's) arm above the writing which is upon 
his arm. lx>, thus he has sent, saying that they must not forget 
his child (whose name) is written above his own name." 

Convex : I. 3. The mysterious t before "HU? turns out to be 
an abbreviation of 1 used after "TOM?, as in Concave 5. 

I. 4, Read IPITH? or TITTT^- The meaning I assign to 
TBp is necessarily conjectural ; no such word is known elsewhere 
in Aramaic Is the Greek rawvpot for tfawpov ? 

Concave: 1. i, MTUn may throw light on the affinities of the 
Assyrian unutu, "a vessel," "instrument," "furniture." In an 
Aramaic fiagment I have acquired this winter we read : " 3 manehs . . . 
|rora." compare Heb. HOn. See also Ostrakon IV, Concave 6. 

1. 3. We hear of Petosiris in the Assuan papyri as having been 
uttooed on his arm. 

1. 4. Read -^ 6"- "^T^- 

I S. iVn is the iVm of Dan. ii, 31. 




By Margaret A. Murray. 

In the Hastings Museum there is a fine coffin of the XXVIth 
dynasty, which was brought from Luxor about the middle of the 
last century. It had been opened in order to fix the mummy firmly 
for removal to England ; in doing this the head-end had been some- 
what damaged, a piece broken out and the stucco and paint chipped. 
The floor of the cofSn where the mummy lay is a good deal stained, 
though not Sufficiently to obliterate the figure of Nut ; and the front 
of the cofhn is also slightly stained. With the exception of these 
few defects, the coffin is in perfect condition. 

It is of wood, covered with a thin coat of white stucco, and 
painted m colour. The upper half was fastened to the lower in 
the usual way, with flat tenons fitting into holes in the lower part. 

The face is coloured light red, 'i'he wig has a heavy tress, 
bound at the end, falUng over the front of each shoulder, and 
surmounted by a form of the vulture head-dress, the wings of which 
fall on each side of the face {Plate I, fig- i)- Rows of necklaces 
and a winged figure of Ma9t, kneeling, lie across the chest, fielow 
this the decoration is arranged to represent the bandages of a 
mummy. The transverse bands are in three lines: the upper and 
lower lines being the characteristic Egyptian decoration — which 
comes down from the Old Kingdom — of squares of colour divided 
from each other by black and white hnes ; the middle line is white 
with a design in black. The spaces between the transverse bands 
are filled with scenes, or with inscriptions in vertical columns. 

Immediately below the winged Maat is a design of a false door, 
with eight columns of inscriptions on one side and seven on the 
other. Beyond the inscription on each side {Plate I, fig. a) is the 
sacred ram on a perch, the symbol of divinity; he is crowned with 
the disc and the double upright feathers. Above the animal is the 


Jan. is] THE COFFIN OF TA-AATH. [1908. 

sacred eye resting on the if^sign. The inscription is the usual 
formula and should run : 



I in one place, I IJ ■ 

" May the king give an offering to OHris-Unnefer, the great god, 
lord of Abydos, May he give offerings and fatUngs, thousands oj 
hread, thousands of beer, thousands of cattle, thousands of birds, 
thousands of ineenu, thousands of ointment, for the Vr of the Lady 
of a House, Ta-daih, true of voice, lohose mother ivas JVefer[t] (or 

This inscription is repeated, in a more or less blundered form, all 
over the outside of the coffin, the only variations being in the titles 
of Osiris aJid the mistakes of the scribe. 

These fifteen columns of icsciiption are divided from the scene 
which comes below by a triple transverse band. The scene is the 
usual one of the Judgment, and is so arranged that the figure of 
Osiris, which is otherwise unimportant, should be exactly in the centre 
of the coffin. He faces towards the spectator's right and holds an 
MM-scepire. He is followed by six bearded figures, each boldti^; 
an ostrich feather, and bearing what appear to be scarves over the 
arm ; they are the deities of the Under-world. In front of Osiris 
is an altar piled with offerings, apparently leaves, as they are painted 
green, and on each side of the altar is a small tree or shrub. On 
the further side of the altar, and advancing towards Osiris, is the 
god Thoth leading the deceased person, here represented as a man, 
though the cofSn is inscribed for a woman. Behind them is Amemt, 
the Eater of Hearts, followed by the personification of the West, 
who holds an ostrich feather. Behind them again is the balance, 
of which both pans are empty. On each side of the upright of the 
balance is the sign of the West 9 . 

A triple transverse band separates this scene from the next 



division. The decoration below is somewhat altered ; instead of 
the transverse bands running right across the coffin, they appear only 
on each side, and a vertical panel of decoration extends to the feet. 
At the top of this panel is a narrow white line decorated with ntter- 
signs in black ; then comes the scene of the mummy laid upon the 
lion-shaped bier with the soul, in the form of a human-headed bird, 
hovering above. At the head of the mummy is a hawk perched on 
the sign a with streamers, emblem of the West. Below the bier 
are the four canopic jars, tied up with broad ribbons. A horizontal 
band of inscription repeats the name of the deceased, and seven 
vertical lines of inscription, all beginning with 1. A , cari]- the 

decoration of the panel down to the ankles, where it is crossed by a 
single transverse band dividing the decoration of the footpiece from 
the main part of the coffin. On each side of the panel the decoration 
is divided by triple transverse bands into four compartments. 

On the side of the coflin which is to the right of the spectator, the 
first two compartments are alike : three vertical lines of inscription, 
a deity standing, one vertical line of inscription, a deity standing, 
8 snake upright on its tail; the third compartment is the same, 
with the snake omitted; the fourth compartment omits one line 
<^ inscription and the second deity, but retains the snake. The 
deities are all gods of the dead or of the Underworld, but have 
no distinguishing marks by which they can be identified. 

On the left side of the coffin (Piatt I, fig. 2), the first compartment 
has three vertical lines of inscription, the figure of Hapi, one vertical line 
of inscription, the figure of Duamutef, one vertical line of inscription. 
The second compartment contains three vertical lines of inscription, 
the figure of Amset, one vertical line of inscription, a snake-headed 
deity. The third compartment has three vertical lines of inscription, 
the figure of Qebljsennuf, one vertical line of inscription, an indis- 
tinguishable deity. The fourth compartment has two vertical lines 
of inscription, an indistinguishable deity, and two vertical lines of 
inscription. On both sides three out of the four transverse bands 
have inscriptions on the middle line. 

The decoration of the footpiece is reversed, in order that the 
figures may not appear to be standing on their heads when the coffin 
is laid flat. In the middle is a winged figure of Isis standing 
wearing the sign H, which represents her name, on her head; on 
each side are two verHcal lines of inscription, the sacred eye on the 


Jan. 15] THE COFFIN OF TA-AATH. [1908. 

Kf^sign with three lines of inscription below, then four lines of 
inscription, dimiiiishing rapidly in height on account of the sharp 
curve of the footpiece. 

The square stand under the feet is painted in lines of colour 
round its sides, and there are long lines of colour down each side of 
the coffin {Plate I, fig. i), formii^ a border to the decoration of the 
upper and lower parts- 

The back of the coffin (Plate II, fig. 3) shows a support like those 
on the ushabtis of the same period. The decoration consists of the 
<£i^-pillar, emblem of Osiris, surmounted by the horns, emblem of 
Khnum the creator. On each bar of the (/oiZ-ptllar are ostrich 
feathers and uraei. 

The top of the coffin {Plate III, fig. 5) shows the sun on the 
horizon, either rising or setting, flanked on each side by the emblem 
of the West. 

The base of the footpiece {Plate IV, fig. 7) shows the mummy 
carried on the back of a bull to its last resting-place. The bull is 
also on the horizon or hill-sign ^^, which, perhaps, is intended to 
represent the " Gap of Abydos," the Gate of the Kingdom of Osiris. 

The inside of the coffin is painted white, with figures and inscrip- 
tions in black. In the lower part ■ {Plate II, fig. 4) is an outline 
figure of the goddess Nut with upraised arms, standing on the perch 
or support which is the sign of divinity; ribbons are tied at her 
waist, and other ribbons hang over her arms. Her name is above 
her head. Above that again is an inscription {Plate III, fig. 6) in 
three vertical line*'^ The upper part has an outline f^ure of the 
goddess Nut facing in the of^)Osite direction. Her arms bang at her 
sides and have no ribbons o\'er them, otherwise she is precisely 
similar to the figure in the lower part The inscription over her 
head is in five lines. Both inscriptions are roughly written, and the 
father's name is not decipherable. 


' The wooden support at the foot is modern, and was placed there ti 
mnminf from sMpiHng in truidt to Englaad. 



{1) " The ka of the Osiris Peiu-Khnum, 

(2) son of Amen 

(3) The mother, the lady of a house, Pedu-Amen." 

The lines 4 and 5 of the upper part of the coffin are meieljr 
^^ I ^\, repeated three times. The use of " Pedu " in a 

woman's name is certainly curious, and must be a mistake of the 

I am indebted to Mr. Buttehfield, Curator of the Hastings 
Museum, for the exact (Metric) measurements of the coffin. 
Length. Outside . 


Breadth. Outside 


Depth, back to front Outside ... 

Holes for inserting pegs to fasten the lid 

Averse length 

„ depth 

„ width 



S.B.A. PrKtediu^./an., 1908. 



S.B.A. PrKtedingt, Jan., 1908. 



S.B.A, Procetdings.Jan., 1908. 



S.B.A. PrKiteUngs,Jan 




Bv W. Attmore Robinson. 

Out present knowledge of the ancient history of Asia Minor is 
so extremely limited, notwithstanding the constantly increasing dis- 
coveries of Sir W, Ramsav, Hugo Winckler, and others, that the 
following short account of a stone monument I recently discovered 
at Tshok-Goz-Koprukoe may be of interest. 

For a long time it had been my intention to travel leisurely in 
Asia Minor, and in particular to examine some section of the 
territory once inhabited by the Hittites and other kindred peoples. 
As a preliminary step towards gratifying this desire, I profited from 
an extended visit to Constantinople, in the spring of 1907, to make 
a brief excursion through Cappadocia. Generously provided by his 
Majesty the Sultan with a special irade, I took the train from 
Constantino[de to Eskishehir and Koniab, where the managers of 
the Anatolian railroad have constructed a comfortable modern hotel. 
It happened that Sir W. Ramsav with his wife and son went by 
the same train into the interior, in order to join Miss Bell at 
Binbirkilessi, where they carried on most interesting excavations, 
and where, three weeks later, on my return from Kaisarie, I enjoyed 
thdr unbounded hospitality. 

From Koniah I went, accompanied by a servant and two 
zaptiyes, through the salt desert by way of Obrak and Newshehir 
to the banks of the Kizil-Irmak, 

One morning I set out to explore the mountain ridges, following 
the course of the ancient Halys, to the north-west of Kaisarie. 
Having reached Tshok-Gdz-Kopritkoe, a small vitk^e situated on 
the northern bank of the river, on the main road from Caesarea to 
Angora, I inquired of its inhabitants whether any antiquities or 
inscriptions were to be found in that general neighbourhood. I was 
told that a large stone monument had been seen by a nadve, some- 
where in the mountains to the west of the village. Vague as the 



information was, I determined at once to follow it up. Accordingly 
I remounted my horse, and accompanied by one of my zaptiyes, 
I set otT in the direction indicated. 

The whole district is very barren and desolate, and had evidently 
never been previously visited by any European or American traveller. 
After a three houft' ride I came suddenly upon a large monument 
lying on its side on a high hill overlooking a wild and picturesque 
goi^e, through which the Kizii-Irmak flows. The accompanying two 
photographs, which I took on the spot, will illustrate the brief remarks 
offered with regard to this remarkable antiquity. 

The monument represents a huge eagle, in granite, perched upon 
the rock. The latter is cut in such a way that, seen from the side 
(Plate, Fig. ■), it looks like the left half of an arch. Each of the 
two sides and the front of this peculiar base is adorned with a lion, 
carved in high relief. All three lions are crouching, with their front 
legs crossed, and their heads turned outwards. The two animals 
cut on the front and on the right side of the base turn their heads 
towards the right (Plate, F^. 1), while the lion on the left side, 
forming the pendant to that of the right side, naturally turns its head 
towards the left. 

Unfortunately the head of the eagle has been broken off; whether 
this happened at the time when the monument was overthrown, or 
later, could not be ascertained. It is by no means impossible that 
a careful search of the neighbourhood may lead to the discovery 
of the missing part of the bird. In its present condition the statue 
is from about 7 to 8 feet high. The feathers of the wings and tail 
are represented by long straight lines, connected with each other 
by many short ones cut in heiring-bone fashion, while those on the 
breast took like roof-shingles. The legs are represented as covered 
with down as far as the claws. 

A few steps away from this statue I noticed a ring of uncut 
boulders, in the centre of which stood a lai^e rectangular block 
of stone, with a rim about three inches deep around its top. We 
may safely assume that this once served as the pedestal for the eagle. 

About the age and significance of this monument I do not 
venture to express a definite opinion. From Ckantrk's Mtsiion en 
Cappiidoee, from an unpublished collection of more than one hundred 
small bronzes in the possesion of Mrs. Hilfrecht, most of which 
came from this neighbourhood, and from another (though much 
smaller) stone eagle <Uscovered several years ago in Caesarea by 


S.B.J. Praecdiiigi, Jan 





Prof. HiLPRECHT, to whom I am greatly indebted for valuable 
assistance in writing this article, we know that together with the 
bull and the wild mountain goat the eagle played an important 
rdU in the art of the ancient population of Asia Minor. Who the 
people were that erected this monument, I am unable to state, in view 
of our present unsatisfactory knowledge of the ancient history of 
a largely unexplored country. In all probability it was carved some 
time between 1000 and 500 aa, and had to do with the religious 
cult of that unknown people which possibly belonged to the group 
generally called Hittites. 

At my request steps have been taken by Hamdy Bev to secure 
the preservation of this important statue, and, if possible, to have 
it transfened to the Imperial Ottomari Museum in Constantinople. 




Bv Prof. A. H. Savce, D.D. 

I was engaged in the spring of 1907 in examining the sandstone 
rocks on the west bank of the Nile, between the Shatt es-Seba' Rig&la 
and Heshin, and there came acioss the Karian inscription discovered 
by M. Legrain in the Gebel Abu-Ghorab, of which he was able 
to take only an imperfect copy. Here I give it in full. (Plate Na i.) 
It reads : h-^lh-u-p wu-a^-a-v-ii {?)-j'-£^[j]. With Hethup we may 
compare hsthup-on (Sayce, I, 7} and bSpugh. The next word is 
a (geographical) adjective in -in)sos, like Ss9gh-sn-sos (Savce, I, i^ 
and S^a-voD? (cf. also Ureiido-nsa), which make it probable that 6» 
which I have transcribed ii(?), is really a nasalised vowel. The 
tirst a of the adjective might possibly be also transcribed r. 

No. a. "I AlpigonDs(?) Krateros am come (here)," The name- 
Alpigonos is strange, and I would therefore correct it to Antigonos. 

Na 3. "The act of adoration of ApoUonios [Gyjmnos." The 
graffito, like the Aramaic and other Greek ones, is on the upper 
sur&ce of a rock on the top of the cliff. 

No. 4. " Khnum-tuithan," i.e. "the god Khnum has given." 
After writing his name the owner of it has amused himself by 
scribbling m in two different forms, to the confusion of the modem 

No. 5. "Shem-Hor," a name like Samuel, &c. 

Nos. 6, 7. "Arz(?)d(?)a." Since the Greek name Arkeinis is 
written immediately above No. 6, and apparently by the same hand,. 
it is probable that we are intended to read the Aramaic characters 
A-r-kh-n-a. At first I thought that the second and third letters 
t<^ther formed the single letter m, but further examination showed 
that this was not the case. 

No. 8. "Shar." 


S.B.A. Pn>(eedingi,/an., 1908. 

1 BOM dfiA^/iM'Ti'epjt 

2 AAiTTiroNoC 

3 TOnfOCKyNHJ^^ 

f AnoAA UiN 10 Y 





No. 9. We seem to have here an inscription in an unknown 
script On a boulder of sandstone adjoining that on which the 
Karian grafGto is inscribed, is an outline sketch by a first class 
f^yptian artist (probably of the age of the Twelfth Dynasty) of two 
elephants, followed by a gazelle, with a young gazelle on either 
side of it, and a great hippopotamus finishing up the procession. 
The drawing is equal to the very best on the Egyptian monuments, 
and reminded me of Japanese work. It would be worth while to 
take a tin-foil impression of the scene. 



By R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. 

The following story was told me by my Arab servant, Mejid, a 
native of Mossoul. I have tried, as far as possible, to retain the 
language and pronunciation that he used in relating it 


j4ra6ic Text. 

ES-3etin '^ al' Mflsul, £&f w^hid Musl&wi gaHd izra' basal. }k 
aienu efi-Setan, gil, Ma t'Sdrakni ? G41 lu, Bela, aSSrakuk. Limen-ma 
5&raku tala' el-basal, sir kidha. J£l a'S-3^t^ el-Musl&wi, g^l lu, Min 
hddh' el-wokti nitgisim ; SOf a tertd ? min fdk ella min jauwa? 
£S-§dtin SSf el'basal ajjdar min foku kwaiyis, gil lu, Ana arid min 
fdk. Gfil lu el-Musl^wi, Ana abodh min jauwa. ES-S^san kull i6m 
iji al' el-Musl&wi yegdl lu, ImSi nerdti netiQS el-basal. El-Mus)ivi 
gil lu, Ba'ad ma sir tamim. Halldnu el-ba§al limen-ma yibis. G&m 
el-Musliwi gil liS-S^t^, .\rllh ajib el-basal. Hadhol jfl al' basal, 
gass el-basal el-Musiiwi min fok ya'attnu min Sin eS-S^tin. El- 
Musliwi islab el-ba^ min jauwa wa-yidhak "al' eS-^tin, el-basal 
kulloh Silu. Gim eS-Sfitin gil lu, Ma yesir kidha. Gil lu el-Mu5iawi, 
'Amiltu $ert wiyik ; gultu luk, gmahti terid ? Gulet li. Ana arid min 
f6k. Gil lu, Taiytb, has-sena (= hadha es-sena) neSirak hammtnuk. 
ZeraSi hun^ bi-makin el-basal, 1313*61 el-tun{a. El-Musliwi 
yi<jb^ "al' eS-S^tin, yegHI lu, ImSi nutsed ez-zera'. Gil-lu e^-^t^n, 
Ba'ad, Umen-ma yibset el-hunfa. Ji el-Mu?liwi al' eS-Sfifin, gil lu, 
Im£i nitfarraj 'al' el-hunta. Ribu Sifu el-bunta, gil liiS-SStin el- 
Musliwi, £:mahu terid? Gil lu e$-S€tin, Ana ar!d min jauwa 
ilzim enta ti))6dh el-fok. Liken gil el-Musliwi, A))if yestr mithl 
el-basal, enta gulet, ana aljadhtu el-mellh w'enta el-ma-melfb. Gil lu 



e5-SMn, La, ma agQl luk kidha. £1-Musldwi ba^d el-fdkiliii, £41u 
waddlnu ir el-Mt. ES'-Sftin ji yabfur el-ard wa-falla' eI-giS£; dull 
ya^fur bil-ard Sahr wa-ma ^f ^. RSI? ■'' el-Musliwi, gil-lu, Ana ma 
£iiftu kull Se, enta hamminuk mithli ma anduk £$ ? Gil lu el-Muslivi, 
Ketfatr, "andi el-ljtinja kuUo. G4t lu, ImSi farrajni. R4b fairaju. 
Gil lu, E£lon enta sAi anduk el-ljiunta? Gil lu, Dakketdnu wa-s^ 
dbn, ba*adSn zittetflnu bil-hiwa, et-tibn r&lj w&hido w'el-bunfa dutlet 
wibidah. G&l lu, Ardlj as4wi kidha mithluk ? G4] lu, Rdh, imkin 
yesfr. Rib iStu"ul Rha, dull iStu"ul kidha ma' el-basal wibid £abr. 
Ma saf se. J4 ir el-Musiawi, gil lu, Tigdhib -aifiya ? G41 lu, Ma 
kidhibtu 'al^k ; enta gulet li, Ardb asiwi mithluk, wa-gultu luk, RAb- 
G&l lu, Hadha ma yesir ; enU a^dbt kull el-basal wa-kull el-l^unta 
«ra-ma "andi Ifi abadin. G&l lu, Hadha e£-lert ; gultu luk, ^rnahu 
terid, ^Qdh. Tala' eS-Si^n za'aldn, gSI lu, Ina'al abukum w'abu 
elladhi yefOt ila belidkum w'abu elladhi 'amil e£-$ert; min yigdir 
yebassal minkum fulfls ! 

Wa-a'ati thelSth tefHlb, w&bid iUya, wibid ila ^akka.\ el-bik&ya 
wa-wflbid ib Mej!d. 


" The Devil came to Mossoul and saw a Musl&wi planting onions, 
and going up to him he sjud, Wilt thou make a pact with me? 
Veriiy, quoth the other, that I will. After they had agreed, the onions 
sprang up so high, and the Musldwi came to the Devil and said, We 
will make the division now, see which thou desirest — from above or 
below ? Now the Devil saw the onions that they were goodly and 
green above, and, quoth he, I desire that which is above. Then 
said the Musliwi to him, I will then take of what is underneath. And 
the Devil came daily to him, saying, Come, let us go and gather the 
onions ; but the Mosl4wi said. Nay, for they are not yet ready ; and 
so they lefi the onions until they were dried up. Then up rose the 
Musliwi, saying to the Devil, I am going to fetch the onions, and 
when they came to the onions, the Musldwi cut off the tops of the 
onions and gave them to the Devil, while he pulled up the onions 
themselves, and laughed at the Devil, as he carried them all away. 
Then quoth the Devil, This cannot be ; but the Musl&wi said. Nay, 
but I made a condition with thee ; I said to thee, which dost thou 
desire? and thou didst say to me, I desire that which is above. And 
the Devil said. Be it so, this coming year will we make a pact thus. 



" So they sowed wheat in the place of the onions, and it sprang up, 
and the MuslSwi laughed at the Devil, saying, Come, let us reap the 
corn. But the Devil said. Nay, not yet, until the corn be dry. Then 
came the Musldwi to the Devil and said, Come, let us look at the 
com. So they went and saw the corn, and the MuslSwi said to the 
Devil, Which dost thou desire ? and the Devil said to the Musl&wi, I 
desire that which is below ; this time thou must take from above. 
But the Musl&wi said, I am afraid lest it turn out like the onions, for 
thou saidst I had taken the good and thou the bad. Quoth the Devil, 
Nay, I shall not speak thus to thee. So the Musl&wi reaped that which 
was above and took it up, and carried it home, and the Devil came and 
dug out the stubble from the earth, but although he went on di^ng 
for a month in the earth he saw nothing. Then went he to the 
Musliwi and said, I have seen nothing ; hast thou also nothing like 
me? And the other answered, Nay, much, for I have all the com. 
The Devil said, Come and show me. So he went and showed him, 
and the Devil said. How didst thou get the corn? and he said, I 
threshed it, so that the straw was left, and then I tossed it in the air 
and the chaff went off, and the wheat stayed behind separate. And 
the Devil said. Shall I go and do like thee ; and the other said. Go, 
perhaps it will be well. So he went and laboured thus, labouring 
with the onions in this way for a whole month, and saw nothing. He 
came to the Musliwi and said to him, Art thou lying to me? And 
he said. Nay, I lied not to thee'; thou saidst to me. Shall I go and 
do like thee ? and I said. Go. Then said the Devil, This cannot be ; 
thou hast taken all the onions and all the corn, and I have nothing at 
all. But the other said. This was the pact ; I said to thee. Take 
whichever thou wilt. Then up rose the Devil in wrath, sayii^. May 
God curse your father, and the father of him that goeth to your dty, 
and the father of him who made the condition, for who shall be able 
to gain money of you ! " 

And now give three apples— one to me, one to the teller of the 
story, and one to MejEd. 

My informant also gave me some of the lullabies which the 
women of Mossoul sing to their children. If the babe will not sleep, 
a common thing for the mother to say is, Nam, 'ini, Hdm,Jd el-kuUhi 



i'&kiiuk. " Sleep, my darling, sleep — the dog is coming to e 
thee ! " i or she will sing the following cradle-song : — 

^&m, 'ini, n&m, 

Es-si^'fri tlhila Mi'tnenam, 

Kull-ma anayylma es-su"M wa-hiya UtrAm, 

Xjirbanki, ya 'adliera, nayyimika, 

Bijmi Hindi kopp^niia, 

"Ab el-gumar wa-'alam 'aleya, 

N&m el-^tta, "af el-^am&m. 

" Sleep, my darling, sleep, 
A little one 's best asleep. 

Ever I hush my babe to sleep, and she shall sleep. 
An offering to thee, O Vii^n I Lull her to sleep, 
Wrap her in a coverlet of Hind, 
For the moon is gone, and the dark is upon me. 
The sleep of the sandgrouse, the slumber of turtle-doves." 

Or a variation of our " Bye, Baby Bunting " : — 
JTtl m dtl&ni, 
Bakiika wa-Bahzdni, 
Rh/f bdba a'-tfe'a 
JilM zfbib u-^e4^mi 
U-ta'dma ed-d&mi, 
Dibbi, dibfn. 

" Rock-a-bye, rock-a-bye, 
BahSIka and Bahzani,' 
Dadda's gone to the village, 
To buy raisins and chickpeas, 
To satisfy Bogey — 

Tickle, tickle ! " 

' Two vilU^es near MossouL 



"Une rue de tombeaux i Sai\<^mh" par Jean Capart. Two ^'ols. 
Vromtnt & Co., Bruxelles. 

During the years 1897-1899, M. Victor Loret was engaged i» 
carrying out excavations among a remarkable series of tombs at 
Sakkara, but beyond a short notice In the Bulletin de FlitUitut 
egyptien he lias never found time to give Egyptologists a proper 
publication containing the results of his work, M. Capart, the 
Keeper of the Egyptian Antiquities at the Royal Museums of 
Brussels, who was in Egypt during the winter of 1905-1906 and 
in the spring of 1907, proceeded, with the assistance of a former 
pupil. Dr. Mathien, to make a complete photographic record of 
these tombs, having heard in the meantime from M, Lohet, who 
wrote and said that he would probably never have the leisure to 
make a complete publication of his work at Sakkara. The result is 
the two handsome volumes before us. The first volume contains 
76 pages of introductory matter, in which M. Capart describes with 
some detail the many and varied scenes represented on the walls 
and columns and reproduced in 107 photographic pbtes in the 
second volume. M. Capart has, however, given us no elucidation 
of the texts which accompany the scenes, and we think this is a 
pity, for these texts offer most interesting material, both linguistic 
and religious. Here and there he discusses the meaning of a 
reading, but in his foreword he says that he reser>es to himself the 
right of publishing later the complete texts. Egj-ptologists may 
therefore hope that some day the publication *-ill be made complete. 

The three tombs with which this publication deals are of the 
nobles of the Vlth dynasty, Nefer-sheshem-ra, Ankli-ma-hor, and 
Ntftf-sluihem-ptah. Tlie workmanship and skill lavished on the 
hieroglyphs and scenes are typical of the best work of the period. 
It is impossible here to go into all the representations of fowling, 
hunting, agriculture, river scenes, etc., reproduced in M. Capart's 


Jan. 15] REVIEWS. [190S. 

photographs, but attention may be drawn to one or two scenes ol 
particular interest. It is curious to notice that both Xeftr-skeshem^a 
and Ankh-ma-hor are depicted in two different ways. One is the 
regular conventional portrait showing the deceased wearing a long 
wig and a short beard, standing with his shoulders squared, his 
hroad chest and narrow loins being front view on, while his face is 
in profile. The other not only attempts to give a perspective view of 
the chest and shoulders, but, moreover, represents the dead man not 
as an ideal, but as he really was, with flabby fat chest muscles and 
pot-belly, and wearing a tight little skull<ap. Nefer'Sheshem-ptah is 
represented thus invariably, except where he appears with his wife in 
conventional aspect with broad shoulders and slim waist Even 
bere the artist has shaken off the strict etiquette, for the deceased 
leans gracefully on a long staff, with one leg carelessly benL One Ot 
the most interesting scenes is that representing two youths under- 
going circumcision in the tomb of Ankkma-hor. One of the youths 
stands, a man holding his arms from behind to prevent him struggling, 
while the hen-ka squats on the ground and performs the operation 
with what looks like a flint Above is written H j ^ JHi "'-*< 
hen-ka draimdsts." The other young man also stands while a man 
squats before him and appears at first sight to be performing the 
same operation as the lun-ka. Max MCller would make this man 
a doctor from the word <0* in the te.xt above, M. Capart, how- 
ever, is r^ht in his reading of the word as "anoint," for the text 
above gives us <Oi ,^S? ''^^'^ 1 " anointing that I may be healed," 
while above the anointer is 0^^^ ?^ ^\ , "he is making if 

pleasant/" Besides which, circumcision is a religious rite and not a 
medical operation, for it especially states that the }ien-ka performs 
the duty. Whether, as M. Capart suggests, this scene indicates 
that it was thought that the ghost of the dead could have ghostly 
children in the underworld, is another matter. Surely it merely 
represents one of the many events of the deceased's daily life which 
might be re-enacted in the underworld without reference to any 
particular children. M. Capart also raises a very interesting ques- 
tion with regard to the funeral procession depicted in the same tomb. 
Was this done by the relatives of the deceased in order to delude his ■ 



ghost into the belief that he had really had a magnificent funeral, 
when as a matter of fact, in order to save expense, he had been 
shabbily and quicitly buried ? Perhaps the most remarkable thing in 
all three tombs is the false door in the west wall of the tomb of 
Ntfirshfshim-ptah. The door is flanked on either side by a fvdl-size 
statue of the deceased, while over the top is a bust representing the 
dead man's head and shoulders, looking as it were over the door of 
his tomb. Although the face of this bust is somewhat mutilated, the 
execution is splendid, and reminiscent of Donatello's masterpiece, the 
portr^t of Niccolo da Uzzano in Florence. Altc^ether, M. Capart 
has performed a most useful piece of work in giving this record of these 
three splendid tombs. We need hardly say that the photc^raphs are 
for the most part excellent, the whole book being got up de luxe, 
and what is highly commendable in a foreign publication, property 
bound. The only pity is that M. Capart has not given us the texts. 

P. D. S-M. 

The next Meeting of the Society will be held on 
Wednesday, February I2th, 1908, at 4.30 p.m., when the 
following Paper will be read : — 

E. J. Pilcher, Esq. : *' A Coin of Gaza and the Vision 
of Ezekiet." 








(Postage, 4^) 





The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Qates from 

[Shalmaneser II, B.C 859-825.] 

Part V (the final part), with Introduction and descriptive letter-press, 
has now been issued to the Subscribers. 

A few complete copies of the book remain unsold and can be 
obtained on application to the Secretary. 


Society of Biblical Archeology. 

37, Great Russell Street, Lokdok, W.C 

COUNCIL, 1908. 

Vtsif. A. H. Savck, D.D., &c. 


Tmb Most Rkv. His Grace Thk Lokd ARCHBtsHOP of Yowc. 

The RiaHT Rev. the Lord Bishop of Salisburv. 

Thk Most Hon. the Marquess at Northauptoh. 

The RioHT Hon. the Earl of Halssdry. 

The Kiqht Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney. 

Waiter Morkison. 

The Rioht Hon. Lord Pbckover of Wisbeach. 

F. G. Hilton Price, Die. S.A. 

W. Harry Rylakds, F.S.A. 

The Rioht Hon. Gbhbral LoKt> Gkbhfbll, K.CB., &&, Stc 

The Right Rbv. 5. W. Allen, D.D. <R.C- Bishop of Shrembary). 

Rev. J. Marshall, M.A. 

Joseph Pollard. 


Rkv. CBARi.ks Jambs Ball, M.A. Claude G, Montefiorb. 

Dr. M. Caster.- Prof. K. Navillb. 

P. Ll. Griffith, F.S.A. Edward S. M. Pbrowhb, F.S.A. 

H. R. Hall, M.A. Rev, W. T. Filter. 

Sir H. H. Howobth, K,C.LE., P. Scofir-MoNCRiEFT, M.A. 

F.R.S., && '' R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. 

L. W. Kino, M.A. Edward B. Ttlor, LL.D., 
Rbv. Albbkt Lowv, LL.D., Ac. F.R.S., &c. 

Prof. G. Maspbro. 

Henorary li-taiurir—BRitr'Ayti T. Bosanqdbt, 
Jitrtdirx— Walter L. Nash, M.R.C.S. {Eng.), F.S.A. 

HoHBnuy Sicrilary for Foriign CermpoiidtHCe — F. LbgGE, 
Honeraty Liirarian—'Vi AVTM L. Nash. M.R.CS. (Sng.), F.S.A. 


III> tAHB. 1 



Second Meeting, February 12th, 1908. 


P»o», A. H. Savcb, D.D. — Aa Aramaic Osiracon ftom 

Elephantiofi 39--4I 

GuiLLAOMi de jBKPiUNiON.— Two New Hittite MonumenW in 

the Cappododan Taunis. {2 Plata) A^-A\ 

E. J. PlLCHIK.— A Coin of Gaza, and tbe Vision of EzekieL 

(i Plans) .'. 45-sa 

Tbeophilus G. PiNCHBS. — The Legend of Merodach 53-61 

R. Campbell Thompson, Sf.A. — An Assyrian Incantation 

against Rheumilisin 6]-^ 

Ret. C. H. W. Johns.— The First Year of Samsu-iluna 70, 71 

Thb Editok.— Recent Discoveries in Egypt 7^-74 


37, Gkbat Russell Stkbbt, London, W.C 


37, Great Russell Strbkt, Lokdoh, W.C. 


UoBben. Monben. 

Vol. VI, 


3 . 

. lo 6 

.. tvii. 


I . 

. 7 « 

» vri. 


3 . 

. to 6 

.. VII, 


3 - 

. 10 & 

„ VIII, 


. 10 « 

„ VIII, 


1 . 

. lo 6 

., VIII, 


3 ■ 

. lo 6 

» rx, 


. lo 6 

.. IX, 

a . 

. lo 6 


Vols. I— XXVn. Prices o 

D application 




Geneial Indn to Vola. XI- 



Put I 



itt ... 13 



Put 3 




Part 3 

1906 .. 

5 II 



Part 4 


6 ", 








1906 .. 





* " 


„ XXIX, 



6 ", 


„ XXIX, 



„ XXIX, 



6 „ 


„ XXIX, 

Fart 4 


6 „ 


„ XXIX, 

Part 5 



„ XXIX, 




„ XXIX, 

Part 7 


5 ,1 


„ XXX, 

Part I 


„ XXX. 


1908 . 



A few compkte sets of (he Transactions and PtDc«cdii^ sdll lenitun on 
sale, which may be obtained on application to Ihc Secrelaiy, W. L. Nash, 
F.S.A., 37, Great Russell Street, London, W.C. 






Second Meeting, February t2tk, 1908. 
Sm H. H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., 


[No. CCXXIII.} 37 D 



The following gifts to the Library were announced, and 
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author, Jules Baillet. — "Les Tapisseries d'Antino^ 

au Mus^e d'Orl^ans." 
From the Publishers.—" The Dated Events of the Old Testament," 

by W. J. Beecher, D.D. 
From the Author, The Rev. Colin Campbell, ^.Z".— "The Brst 

three Gospels in Greek." 
From Prof. H. V. Hilprecht—" The Babylonian Expedition of the 

University of Pennsylvania." Vol. I, in two Parts. 


The following donation has been received : — 

W. H. Rylands, Esq., F.S.A. (t,th donation) £z i o 

M. ClMat, Ismailia, Egypt, 
Miss B. K. C. Thirlwall, Timperley, 
were elected Members of the Society. 

The following Paper was read : — 

E. J. PiLCHER, Esq. : " A Coin of Gaza and the Vision of 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 



By Prof. A. H. Savce, D.D. 

Thanks to the discovery of the " Assuan " and other Papyri, 
it is now possible to ofTer a traiislation of the Aramaic Ostracon I, 
from Elephantine, published by Mr. Cowley in the Proceedings of 
this Society, June, 1903, p. 364, and belonging to the Jewish com- 
munity, whose memorial to the governor of Judsea, recently edited 
by Professor Sachau, has cast such an unexpected light on the books 
of Ezra and Nehemiah, With the exception of the first line, the 
ostracon is complete, and some of the readings in it can now be 
improved. The following is my translation of it : — 


1. Now [they have sent ?) 

2. to Malchiah my master for what is written. So, when 

3. you hear that his princes (?) are giving pay 

4. in Assuan, send (a letter) to me. Behold, the papyrus is 


5. which I had in [my] possession ; forward it to me ; and 

the papyrus which 

6. I forwarded to you from among the (other) papyri 

7. as well as the great papyrus which ' 

8. Matchiah gave to you, forward 

9. them to me. 

I. Now look at the cellar which Uriah has given to me for 

the drink-oflering, 
3. ^ve it to Gemariah the son of Ahio, and be will value the 

39 D 2 


Fbb. h] society of biblical ARCHiEOLOGY. [1908. 

3. of the liquor, and do you pay the exdse-duty to {or for) 

Uriah. Now see [PJetosiris 

4. who befongs to us ; they shall write it (»>., the amount) 

upon his ann above the writing 

5. which is (already) upon his ann. Lo, thus has he (>>., 

Uriah) written saying that 

6. they {('.«., the princes.?) must not discover the secret 


7. written over 

8. his (t.e., the slave's) name. 

Obv. 3. •■-fp is certain, but the meaning "princes" is difficult 
to understand. The last letter is uncertain, and may be K or v 
The latter would suit the context. 

4. The reading is nnini*'. 

The context requires for Top a signification lilte "document," 
or "bond." The reading is certain, but the word is absolutely 
unknown. I believe, however, that it throws light at last upon the 
or%in of the Greek rampov, for which an Indo-European or Egyptian 
etymology has been sought in vain. Tiavvpot would exactly represent 
l<Dp, initial jr becoming v according to rule, as in s-c'vte, -rdfive, and 
V representing a labialised i after t. Now, in Assyrian, gipdru, from 
Sumerian^-/fi/-iz, is "papyrus," and ^^?w is, I believe, the word from 
which TDp has been borrowed. Hence the three stages in the history 
of the word will be: Ass. giparu, Egyptian Aiam. f^p, Greek vi'rvpot. 

6. The writer has omitted the second yod which ought to mark 
the plural in wt'rVBp. 

8. He has also omitted the Ao^jft of U^h- D^ "saying," which 
is found in the papyri published by Prof. Sachau, would here give 
no sense. 

The ostracon has nnn. 

9. This line reads h IDfl. 

Rev. r. The occurrence of (nan in my Luxor papyrus confirms 
Prof. Clermont-Ganneau's suggestion that unan is the ordinary 
word for "the shop," and the Berlin papyri published by Prof, Sachai; 
explain what is meant by " the drink-offering." In the Jewish 
temple in ElephantinS the regular ritual of the Jerusalem temple 
was carried on, and lai^e quantities of wine were therefore required 
for the prescribed drink-offeiings. The liquor was, naturally, provided 
by the Jews themselves, who, doubtless, made a fair profit out of the 
sale of it for temple uses. 




3. The scribe has written n*3n, but the * is a mistake for 1 . 
For TTj) in the sense of " valuing," see Job xxxvi, 19. 

3. Mr. Cowley has already compared niSa with 1^3, "excise- 
duty," in Ezra iv, 1 3. 

The slave is mentioned in the " Assuan Papyri," which show 
that noitin is a raistake for ^noitx, and refer to the tatooing on 
bis aim. 

4. Read (^^ " belonging to us," i.e., our slave. 

5- l^n for the ordinary 1^. In the Berlin papyri rhv is used 
in the sense of "sending (a letter)." 

6. As duty had to be paid on the amount of liquor in the store, 
the actual amount of it, as ascertained by Gemariab, was to be 
tatooed on the slave's arm, so that it should not be discovered by 
the imperial excise^fScers. Are these the [WtP of Obverse 3 P 

7, 8. The slave's name was tatooed upon his arm, and the 
number communicated by Gemaiiah was to be tatooed over it, so 
as to be discoverable by the writer of the letter — who knew how the 
name had been originally written— but not by the non-Jewish 

In the Proceedings of this Society, June, 1906, Plate II, No. X, 
I have given a copy of an inscription consisting of two Aramaic 
characters which I cUscovered in a sandstone quarry east of Assuan, 
and which, as I have said, marked the ownership and desdnation 
of the quarry, and were shown, by the " Assuan Papyri," to represent 
T1*3, "house." The Berlin papyri now make it clear what this 
" house " was. It was the Jewish temple on Elephantine, and the 
quarry was that from which the sandstone blocks were brought, 
either for its construction, in the time of the XXVIth dynasty, 
or, more propably, considering that the forms of the letters are 
identical with those in the papyri from ElephantinS, for its recon- 
struction in the reign of Darius II. 




By Guillaume de Jerphanion. 

In the course of a journey I made last summer throi^h Asia 
Minor, I had the good fortime to discover two monuments which, 
as far as I know, have not been mentioned by any other traveller. 
Although no absolute evidence can be drawn from the rude inscrip- 
tions th^ bear, it would seem that their attribution to the ancient 
Hitttte population cannot be called into question. 


The first monument, called "Arslan Tach" (Plate I), that is the 
" Lion's Stone," is situated on the lofty mountain of Soghan Dagh, 
about i6 kilometres to the north-west of Comana, in Cappadocia (now 
the Armenian village of Shahr). It does not stand on the very top 
of the mountain, but on a small plateau at the altitude of 2,320 
metres above sea level. This plateau, covered with short coarse 
grass, forms a "yaila," or pasturage, surrounded by the three peaks 
of Soghan Dagh, In the centre there rises a mass of lime stone, on 
which stands our " Arslan Tach." 

The lion's stone itself is a block of rough, sonorous, grey trachyte, 
a rock which is not found until we penetrate 15 or 30 kilometres 
farther into the Mount Argfeus region. It has, therefore, been 
transported from a distance, and the problem arises, how they were 
able to carry this heavy block to such a height ; the precipitous path 
is so difficult and arduous, that we could scarcely get our horses up 
to the yaila. From the stone I detached a small specimen, in order 
that I might afterwards measure its density, and calculate the weight 
of the whole mass. The latter proved to be about 1,150 kilo- 
grammes, a weight which neither horse nor camel can cany. It 


S.B.A. rrs.eedh,ss, l-eh., i 



111 T m 





may be that a road was specially constructed to bring the stone in 
some vehicle; or, more likely, they drew it thither on a wooden 
sledge or, in winter time, on ice and snow. 

The stone fonns a regular quadrangular base, on which are two 
lions; the dimensions of the base are: length 122 centimetres, 
width 85 centimetres, height 43 centimfetres. The lions are couchant, 
and are cut out of the same block. Their length is 80 centimetres, 
width 27 centimetres, and height 25 centimetres. Between them 
there is an interval of 60 centimetres. 

From time immemorial the shepherds have been accustomed to 
crush on these lions the roots from which they extract the dye for 
marking their sheep. Thus each lion bears three deep holes, like 
mortars, on head, back, and crupper. We even found in these holes 
the round polished stones used as pestles. 

On the right side of the anterior face of the base is an inscrip- 
tion which occupies a space of 34 x 18 centimetres. The left part 
of it has been destroyed and the rest is in a poor state of preservation. 
Some of the signs are easily recognizable as belonging to the Hittite 
alphabet, others seem to be unknown. However, I transcribe them 
as exactly as possible. 

For this purpose I have three documents to work upon : (i) The 
copy of the inscription which I made on the spot. (2) The photo- 
graph ; as I had only a single plate, I could not photograph the 
inscription apart from the whole stone, but on the plate the 
charaaeis, though small, are quite legible. (3) A rough paper cast 
or impression. This, however, on account of the roughness of the 
stone, proved to be of little or no use. 

The transcription I give is drawn up from the copy and the 
photc^iaph, the paper impression being used merely to keep the 
relative size of each character. I indicate with lines the signs I read 
in both documents, and with dotted lines those I read in one or other 
as being more doubtful. 


The second monument (Plate 11) was found near the Greek 

■village of Tachdji in a narrow glen, on the bank of a small stream 

which flows into the river of Zamantia Sou (Carmalas). It is 

therefore only 13 kilometres from the Hittite bas-reliefs of Fraktin. 

On it are cut two human figures and a few characters. Neither the 
f^ures (the height of which is about So centimfetres) nor the characters 



are in relief, but are carved in the mountain rock, like the Inscription 
of Arslan Tach. The first fipire is much damaged ; still, it can be 
seen that he wears a long gown, and seems to be holdii^ something 
in his outstretched hand, and to be bowing down his head respect- 
fully. The second figure wears the same kind of dress, and holds 
the hand in the same way, but the pose of the head is quite different. 
It shows a very characteristic Hittite profile Both figures are 

The inscription is somewhat peculiar. The characters, most of 
which seem quite unknown, are carved in a promiscuous order. 

On account of the nature of the rock and of the carved signs 
and figures, the reproduction of the photograph I took will be scarcely 
intelligible. For this reason I join to it a sketch drawn principally 
from die photograph. 


-^.A.-f, Procecdins^, FiK, 






By E. J. PiLCHER. 

Whenever the divine name nin' occurs in the Hebrew Bible, it 
is provided with the vowels of Adonai or Elohttn, so that we cannot 
directly learn its true pronunciation. When it enters into the com- 
position of personal proper names, however, nin* loses its final n^ 
and is rendered Yahu or Yeho. Thus, Jjljini is Yeho-^anan, but 
*fVMn 's Hanan-yahu. It would appear from this that the latter is 
the true pronunciation, because the Hebrew accent usually falls at 
the end of a word, and the vowels are most fully pronounced in that 
position ; whereas, at the beginning of the word the vowels are 
slurred over in speaking, and tend to become shortened. In the 
Assyrian inscriptions the Jewish name of n^\n% Yeluhahas, figures as. 
Yahu-^azi; so that it would seem that this process of phonetic 
decay had not set in in the initial syllables of Hebrew words in the 
seventh century B.c 

Owing to the imperfections of the cuneiform system of writing,, 
we cannot be sure whether the final n of mrr was then pronounced, 
but the Mesl^ Stela may be cited as evidence that, at a slightly 
earlier period, the n was fully audible, because the name of the God 
of Israel figures upon it with its complete fouT letters. When we 
come to the Persian period, however, the evidence seems conclusive, 
for the newly discovered Aramaic papyri regularly omit the final 
letter, and the divine name is no longer a tetragrammaton, but a 
tri'grammaten in'.^ This indisputable fact may be considered to 
have removed any doubt as to the meaning of the l^end upon the 

' "Aramaic Papyri discovered nt Assuan." Edited by A. H. Savcb and' 

A. E. Catnxl. London, 1906. " Drei AiamSischc Papyrus- Urkundea aus. 

Elephantine," von Ed. Sachau. BctUq, 1907. (In one inslance in the Savce- 

CowLBV Papyri the divine name ii nn', bnt that may be merely a scribal error.) 




interesting coin shown in Plate I, fig. i. It is a silver drachma, or 
quarter shekel, and may be described as follows r — 

Obversi. Beaided male head, in crested Corinthian helmet, to 
right. The face is slightly turned to the spectator, but the beard is 
not shown on the further half. The helmet is in full profile, and 
has some kind of ornament upon the side, probably a wreath. An 
illegible object at the back of the plume. The whole in a circle. 

Reverse. Above, the ihree letters in» in the Phcenician character. 
Zeus Aetophoros facing to right, holding the eagle in his outstretched 
left hand. The right aim entirely wanting. The lower part of the 
body is draped in a mantle, the end of which is carried round at the 
back, and turned over the upper part of the left arm. The god is 
seated upon a winged wheel. Opposite, a bearded face or mask 
{ir/>o'<T(uiroi') turned to the left. The whole in incuse square, with 
guilloche border. 

Weight. 507 grains (3-3 grammes). That is to say, it was 
struck on the Phoenician coin-standard, and was lighter than the 

This remarkable piece has been in the British Museum Collection 
since A.D. 1814, when it was described and figured in Taylor 
Combe's Coin Catalogue. No other specimen is known, and it 
presents several puzzling features which have not yet been satis- 
factorily explained. 

The main types may be compared with the didrachm of Tarsus 
in Plate I, fig. 2. 

Obverse. nn^3 {Baal of Tarsus). Zeus seated on throne, 
facing to the left, wearing mantle over left shoulder and about lower 
limbs. Right hand resting on sceptre. Bunch of grapes under 

Reverse. itariEl (Pharnabazus) and 1^3 (Cilicia). Bearded 
male head, in Athenian helmet, facing to the left. 

Weight. 164 grains. Babylonic standard.' 

This Tarsian coin differs in fabric, in style, and in standard firom 
the drachm in fig. i, and the legends are in the Aramaic character, 
so that, although the types may be similar in idea, the relationship 
between the two pieces is somewhat remote. Pharnabazus was 
satrap of Cilicia between 379 and 374 b.c. 

= B. M, Catalogue, Lytaenia, p. 165, No. 20, PI. XXIX, fig. S- (The speci- 
men figured is oxidiicd on the ohverst; and the reverse has been stabbed by some 
ancient silreisinith to test the metal.) 



'. Proctediiif^, Ffh., 1908. 



Feb. II] A COIN OF GAZA. [190S. 

The obverse of the drachm (fig. i) has been inspired by some 
Greek original, like the helmeted head of Leucippus upon the coins 
of Metapontum ; but the artist was not content merely to copy his 
prototype. He attempted to improve upon it — and failed, for he 
tried to convert a side face into a full face, and his skill was not equal 
to the task. The ftill face was a favourite device among the Greek 
die-engravers of the first half of the fourth century b.c, who have 
left us many beautiful examples ; and the fashion was greatly 
admired by the Orientals, if we may judge by the barbaric 

Turning to the reverse of our drachma, we may note that the 
inscription is not in the Jewish, or Old Hebrew character, but is 
distinctly Phcenician ; and this makes it the more remarkable that it 
should contain the name of the Hebrew deity. The final n is 
omitted, so that the word appears under the form "[Tf, exactly as in 
the Aramaic papyri of Elepbantini. Consequently the figure beneath 
must be intended for the god Yaiu, just as the figure upon the 
Tarsian coin is indicated, by its inscription, to be the Baal of Tarsus, 
We know, from 2 Maccabees vi, 2, that the Jewish deity was 
identified with Jupiter, because Antiochus IV re-dedicated the 
temple at Jerusalem to Zeus Olympios, and that at Gerizim to Zeus 

The Father of Gods and Men is almost invariably represented 
upon coins with the further arm extended, and an eagle or victory 
perched upon the fingers, while the nearer arm is raised, and the 
hand rests upon a sceptre. Alt this is reproduced upon our drachma, 
with the exception of the right arm and sceptre, which the artist has 
omitted, in order to give full prominence to the wing which stretches 
behind the figure. The wing and the wheel are thus shown to be 
the features to which the designer attached the most importance; 
and this combination of wheel and wing is the most original part 
of the composition, for it is practically unique in numismatics.^ 

Another remarkable feature is the head, or mask, facing the 
seated figure. It may remind us that we learn from Strabo (XVI, 
2, 15) that the spur of I^banon running into the Mediterranean. 
and now called Ras~eih-Sheka}u, was then styled OioS TpaaiaTiov, 

' In Greek Ceramics, however, the figure of Ttiplolemus offers some analogies, 
see J. Ovebbbck's AIUu dtr CricckUclun Kumlinyiholupe (Leipiig, i8?2). 



" God's &ce," which must be a Greek translation of some Phoenician 
name like 'jtf'JB, either because the headland was supposed to 
resemble a gigantic face ; or else, like the Jewish Peniel, it was the 
scene of a theophany. The latter is the most probable, especially 
as the Hebrew UB frequently means " the presence of" ; and we may 
compare the Septuagint of Gen. XXxii, 30, eiSou fap &eov rpoaarev 
TTpBt Tpoaanrov, Unfortunately we know nothing of Theuprosopon 
except its name, however suggestive that may be. The nearest 
town of importance to the headland was Tripolis, so-called because 
it was the federal capital of the three aUied cities of Tyre, Sidon and 
Aradus, The Phoenician name of Tripolis is unknown, and the 
place is first mentioned in history in 351 d.c, when it was the scene 
of an assembly of the Phoenician states, who were incited to rebel 
against the Persian rule by Tennes, king of Sidon, who relied upon 
the assistance of Nectanebus, king of Egypt, and the valour of the 
Creek mercenary Mentor, of Rhodes. The rebellion was quelled by 
Artaxernes III in the following year, and Mentor and his condottieri 
transferred their services to the Persian monarch.* During the 
Seleucid period Tripolis struck silver coins with the principal type 
of the Dioscuri, who were especially venerated by sea-faring men as 
the Otoi ffwT^/ici, and who were often associated with theophanies, 
because the electric dischai^es frequently seen on the points of 
masts and spars during a storm were supposed by the ancients to • 
be the stars of the Great Twin Brethren, who thus made themselves 
visible to mankind. 

But our silver drachma cannot possibly have any connection witb 
the Seleucids. In fact, on numismatic grounds, it must be dated 
about 350 B.C. Its weight-standard alone would prove it earlier 
than Alexander, though not very much earlier. The style is 
archaistic, more especially the incuse square of the reverse; but 
this archaisticism was common to the whole Phoenician series, as 
that part of the Mediterranean was powerfully influenced by the 
atavistic mintage of Athens and the singular coinage of Cyprus. 
M. Six attributed the coin to the city of Gaza in Southern Palestine,* 
which was a very important place under the Persian Empire, because 
the drachma seems to be related to a number of other pieces that 

* Binderui Situlus, XVI, 41-45. 
' *' Observations sur les moniuues ph£i 
N,S., Vol. XVII (1877), pp. 177, 229. 



Fkb. 13] A COIN OF GAZA. [1908. 

mnst be referred to this locality. The earliest of the series are 
obviously imitated from the coinage of Athens. On some the place 
of issue is rendered manifest by the inscription niV = Gaza, in the 
Phcenidan character ; and most of the others were in all probability 
strucl: in the same workshop. The ultimate reason for this issue 
of coins must be sought in the changing condition of Grecian 
politics. So long as the Athenian supremacy was maintained, the 
Sj-rian markets were kept supplied with Attic silver ; but the capture 
of Athens by Lysander in 404 b.c. put an end to this state of affairs ; 
and the Phoenician traders were compelled to supply the vant of 
currency out of their own resources. At first they imitated the 
appearance of the Attic coins that had become familiar to their 
customers ; and they struck them on the Attic standard of 67 grains 
to the drachm, but the weight was rapidly lowered to the Phixnician 
coin-standard of 56 grains to the drachm, and about 350 e,c. we 
find them commonly of that weight, or even lighter. 

But we are still confronted with the problem of the intention of 
the strange types upon our coin in fig. i. We have seen that the 
artist attached the greatest importance of all to the peculiar device of 
the winged wheel, even going so far as to omit the right arm of the 
principal figure in order to give the wing its due prominence. This 
device is therefore the key to the composition. It is foreign to 
Greek art, but suggests comparison with the imagery of the Old 
Testament, more especially the descriptions contained in the first 
and tenth chapters of Ezekiel. 

It is evident from many passages that the ancient Hebrew 
imagination pictured the deity under the form of a monarch seated 
upon a throne : perfectly analogous, in fact, to the enthroned Zeus of 
Greek art. In their higher exaltation the poets declared the whole 
of the blue sky to be the seat of Yahweh, while the world itself was 
merely a place to rest his feet upon, as in Isaiah Ixvl, i : "Thus 
saitb the Lord, The heaven is my throne, and the earth is my foot- 
stool ; " but, as a general rule, the imagery was more circumscribed, 
and the blue expanse of sky was reduced to a. sapphire throne, with 
the host of heaven standing upon the right hand and the left 
(i Kings xxii, 19), and as the Jews, like other ancient nations, 
imagined the celestial beings to be equipped with wings, and the 
greater the office the greater the number of wings, so we learn from 
Isaiah vi, 2, that these seraphim were provided with three pairs 
a-piece ; and we may compare these hexapteral angels with the figure 



of El, or Kronos, upon the small bronze coin of Byblus in Plate I, 
fig. 3, from the de Luynes Collection.' 

In addition to the angels, the winds were also equipped with 
wings (Hosea iv, i), as became their office as the messengers of God 
(Psalms civ, 4), and to the winds was entrusted the task of conveying 
the throne of Yahweh from place to place, as in a Sam. xxii, 11 : — 
" He rode upon a cherub, and did fly : 
Yea, he was seen upon the wings of the wind." 

On turning to the first chapter of Ezekiel, therefore, we find no 
novelties in the shape of celestial machinery, but merely a detailed 
summary of the ideas contained in other parts of the Old Testament ; 
and although there are difficulties in the shape of unfamiliar words, 
and the usual obscurities of prophetic diction, yet the general picture 
leaves us in no doubt as to Ezekiel's conception of the nw 133, the 
Glory of the Lord- 

The most important figure in the Vision is Vahweh himself, 
seated upon a sapphire throne. The Greek artists attempted to 
indicate the supernatural attributes of Zeus by representing him as 
clothed from the waist downwards, to show that he was invisible to 
mortals : while he was nude from the waist upwards, as being visible 
to the immortals. In like manner, the Hebrew Vahweh is presented 
to us shrouded below in empyreal flame, whereas above he assumes 
the more solid, but still unearthly, appearance of electrum. 

The throne stands upon a clear firmament that shines like "the 
terrible ice," and this glacial hemisphere is supported by four muW- 
winged creatures, hayyoth, or cherubim, who are described in some 
detail but are still obscure. It may be that Che text is at fault. For 
instance, we read : " their feet were straight feet, and the sole of their 
foot was like the sole of a calf s foot." But it is very probable that 
instead of iijjf, "calf," we should understand n^jp, "wagon." This 
at once makes the passage more intelligible. "The foot was like the 
sole of the foot of a wagon." In other words, it was an axletree, 
upon which revolved a wheel that inspired the awe of the beholder, 
iioth from its size and its unearthly surroundings. There were four 
of these l^ayyoth, and four wheels; and the whole vehicle rolled 

• This coin has on the obverse the head of Anliochus IV, diademed and 
radiated, facing to the right. Reverse as figured, with Ihc Phofniciui imcription 
nenp ^33^", "of Gebal the Holy," and the Greek BaffiXJ<ut 'krritxov. See 
Ernest Babelon, Lts reis de Syrie. Paris, 1890. P. 8s, PI. XIV, %. 18. 


Fm. II] A COIN OF GAZA. [1908. 

fonvard with a sound like the thunder of a cataract, or the voice of 
Shaddai, or the shout of armies. 

If we make due allowance for the difTerence between a Uterary 
description and the possibilities of representation upon the limited 
field of a coin, we shall find many features of this conception of 
Ezekiel that are more or less embodied in the devices upon Syrian 
coins ; and this is exactly what we might expect, for the artistic ideas 
of the Hebrews appear to have been identical with those of their 
neighbours, and Solomon called in Phoenician workmen to build and 
decorate the temple at Jerusalem. Thus Plate I, iig. 4,^ shows us 
a shrine composed of a domed roof, or firmament, supported upon 
four pillars : essentially the same arrangement as that of the Hebrew 
prophet. The eagle within it is probably merely a solar emblem, as 
in other cases it is transferred to the roof of the edifice. 

In some cases these Syrian shrines were provided with wheels for 
processional purposes, as in Plate II, fig. 5, where we have the n<u>s 
oi the Sidonian goddess, which appears to have been an important 
dement in the cult of Astarte, if we may judge by the frequency of 
its representation upon the coins of Sidon.^ Only two wheels are 
shown, but that may be due to the exigencies of the die-engraving. 
The symbol of the goddess appears within the car, supported by 
winged figures. Plate II, fig. 6, gives us another example on a coin of 
Marcus Aurelius struck at Philadelphia (Ccele-Syria).* The legend 
informs us that this represents the 'Vpa<c\tiov Sppa, or chariot of 
Hercules, in the form of a wheeled car, having a domed roof 
supported by four pillars. Philadelphia was a still nearer neighbour 
of Jerusalem than Sidon, for it is the Rabbath Ammon of Scripture. 
The Ammonites appear to have lived under a theocracy, as we hear 
of no monarch of theirs, except the local deity ; for the reader need 
not be reminded that the name Molech is merely the word ^^ = 
"king," provided by rabbinical ingenuity with the vowel-points of 
Boshetk, "abomination." Thus the Herakles of Philadelphia would 
seem to be analogous to the Herakles of Tyre, who was also styled 
Mekarthy i.e., nip "i^ = " king of the city," 

In all these wheeled shrines the symbol of the deity appears 
within the pillars, whereas in ihe vision of the Hebrew prophet the 

^ This is a brooie coin of Pbilip, senior, struck at Loodicea ad Mare. See 
B.M. Catiloeuc, Cfl/aAfl, p. 36a, PL XXXI, fig. ^. 

• Usftrsc! aeUminidis, par Ernest Babblon. Paris, 1893. PI. XXXIK 
' B.M. Catali^e, Calatia, p. 306, PI. XXXVIII, fig. 9. 



figure of Yahweh no longer dwells between the cherabim, but is 
seated above the firmament. With this exception, however, the 
general arrangement of the vehicles is remarkably like that of EzekieL 
Vet there are some characteristics of the Vision that seem more 
clearly expressed in the little drachma of Gaza that we have under 
consideration, for this shows the deity borne up by the wing, and 
carried along by the wheel. The crystal firmament is not indicated, 
and the Atlantean pillars are omitted ; but the singular combination 
of the winged wheel presents a masterly condensation of the prophetic 
imagery, and would tend to show that the designer of the coin had 
in mind a conception of a theophany that was very similar to that 
described in the book of Ezekiel. The name of in* may not be 
conclusive of Jewish influence, though it is more than probable that 
in the fourth century ac. there was already a road that went from 
Jerusalem to Gaza (Acts viii, 26). 

AH the coins illustrated, with the exception of Plate I, fig. 3, 
are from the British Museum Collection ; and the author has to 
thank the Department of Coins and Medals for mdch valuable infor- 
mation and assistance. Plate II, fig. 7 is a silver tetradrachm of 
Smyrna with the name and types of Alexander the Great {Coins of 
ihe Ancients, PL 48, 3), to illustrate the attitude of the eagle-bearing 


S./i.A. Protetdings, FA, 1908. 




By Theophilus G. Pinches. 

It will probably be long ere the last word has been said, or even 
nearly said, concerning Merodach, the central divinity of the Baby- 
lonian pantheon from the time of fiammuiabi's dynasty onwards. 
Thanks to the scholars who have made a study of the so-called 
l^end of the Creation — the late G. Smith, Profs. Savce, Friederich 
Dblitzsch, Jensen, and Mr. King — we know fairly well what was 
the nature of this l^nd, and though it certainly deals with the 
Creation, the question seems naturally to arise whether it would not 
be more correctly called " The Story of Bel and the Dragon." This 
remarkable poetical composition is devoted entirely, or almost so, to 
the glorificatian of Merodach, with special reference to his fight vrith 
the great dragon of chaos, which takes up by far the greater part of 
the six tablets upon which the legend itself (omitting " the Tablet of 
the 51 names ") is inscribed. 

According to Damasctus, whose account seems to have been 
derived from the documents possessed by the descendants of the 
Babylonians in his day (the end of the fifth and the beginning of the 
sijcth century of our era), Merodach was fourth in descent from Tautb^ 
or Tiawath — that is, if we take the names in the groups as given by 
that philosopher. First came Moumis (Mummu-Tiawath), then 
Lal)mu and Latjamu, followed, in their turn, by AnSar and KiSar. 
These were succeeded by the triad, Anu, god of the heavens; lUil 
(for Enlila), god of the earth ; and ^ or Aa, god of the sea. Of 
these the last-named, by the goddess Dawkina, became the father of 

' In this paper no Uternpl has been totde to fonn a theoiy with r^atd 10 the 
origin of the legend or l^ends involved, not is there, in lie intredutlery fortiim, 
anything nev. The object of the author is simply to bring to the notice of 
tcbolars what he believet to be an unknown text, with a few notes theieon. 
Concening the circumstances under which the legend may have been composed, 
compare Sir H. H. Howobth's veiy noteworthy paper, "The god Asshur and 
the Epic of 'Marduk and Tiamal,'" in the Proatdingi of this Sodely foi 
December I4tb, 1904, pp. 175-iSi, and Junoaiy nth, 1905, pp. 7-13. 

53 K 



Merodach, the creator of the world and of all living things, including 

In this we have the teaching of the Babylonians concerning the 
origin of the universe and the world in which they lived. To all 
appearance creation presented itself to their minds as a kind of 
evolution — such, indeed, as all theories dealing with that event are 
bound to be. First comes the watery waste, typified by Tiawath, 
the personification of chaos ; then (as may, perhaps, be supposed) 
the unformed heavens above, Lat}mu and La^amu ; after that 
heaven, earth, and sea, much as we see them now, but awaiting the 
word of the creator (Merodach) to set all in order, and produce life 
upon the earth. But before that life could be brought into existence, 
and order be established in the universe, the old creator of chaos 
(Tiawath) and the brood which she had given birth to whilst the 
higher gods were coming into existence, had to be destroyed. In 
conjunction with her evil progeny, Tiawath had become a hostjle 
power, whose only thought was to destroy the gods whose paths 
were on the higher plane, and who were advancing to still greater 
perfection and more exalted aims. Tiawath, "the sea," ApsQ, "the 
abyss," and Mummu, possibly " craft," her son, therefore conspired 
together how they might overthrow all the descendants of her first 
of^pring, La^mu and Lahatnu. The news of their designs, and the 
preparations which they had made, was first announced to AnSar, a 
deity typical of "the host of heaven," according to the generally- 
received explanation of the name,^ and, in the legend, he immediately 
communicates it to Anu, his son, with a loud voice, and with 
expressions of vexation and grief. It is arranged that Anu shall try 
to overcome Tiawath^ and he sets out on the road to her lair with 
that intention, but fearing for the result he retraces his steps without 
accomplishing anything, and returns to announce his failure. Another 
deity, the god Nudimmud, typifying Ea or Aa as the creator, then 
took the task in hand, but was also unsuccessful. As a last resort, 
Merodach was appealed to, and accepted the task with rejoicing, 
stipulating merely that he might receive, as his reward, the power of 

' la Anitar and Kiiar, il really correctly rendered as " heaven 'hosl," and 
" earlh-hast," we may, perhaps, see a reflection of Gen. ii, I : " And the heaven 
and the earth were finished, and all the host of them." The ground-meaning uf 
the character ^, lar, seems to have been " plcntifulness," or the like {du^udu, 
duUA, mdada, tiaidlu fa n»JJ/, mid, etc). The two names possibly typUy 
' ' heaven, earth, and all that is therein. " 




determining the fates, and that his command, when given, might be 
rendered fixed and unchangeable.' 

The gods were then invited to a feast, at which bread was eaten 
and wine drunk, and being thereby, apparently, brought into the state 
of mind suited to the occasion, "for Merodach, their avenger, they 
decided the fate." . 

They founded for him a princely chamber, where he stood to rule 
in the presence of his fathers ; announced to him that he was the 
honoured one among the great gods, possessing a destiny without 
equal, and a command like that of Anu, the god ruling over the 
heavens. His hand was that which was to raise and abase — none of 
the gods was to cross his boundaries, but in his place they were to 
find all that they could desire, Merodach was to be their avenger, 
and to him had they given the dominion— the universe to its whole 
extent Sitting in the assembly, his was to be the authoritative 
command, and the unfailing weapon to destroy his enemy. 

"O Lord, who trusts in thee, protect thou his life ; 
And he who taketh up evil things, pour thou bis life away." 

Then comes the test of the vanishing garment, which disappears 
and reappears at Merodach's word, and seeing how effective the 
power which they had conferred upon him was, the gods rejoiced and 
did homage, shouting " Merodach is king"." Then followed the 
handing to him of sceptre, throne, and emblem of reign, and an 
unsurpassed weapon, destroying those who hate. 

" ' Come, then, cut off the life of Tiawath, 

Let the wind carry her blood into hidden places.' 
After the gods, his fathers, had fixed the fate of Bel, 
They caused him to receive a path of goodwill and obedience as 
his road." 

Merodach then armed himself for thelight. He shouldered his 
javelin, placed on his left " the divine weapon," probably a special 
kind of sword, hung his bow and quiver at his side, and set lightning 
before him, filling his body with darting flame. He then made a net 
wherewith to enclose Tiawath, to whose name here, and in the 
pass^es which follow, the word kirbii is added, implying that the 

' Concerning Ihe change! essncsa of Merodach's word, and that of Ihe olher 
great gods, there are several leferences in the Babylonian mythological Lexts, some 
of which recall the words of Psalm ixix m praise o{ " Ihe voice of the Lord." 



Babylonians thoi^ht of her as being "in the midst," probably of the 
earth. He caused the four winds to take up their position north, 
south, east, and west, in order that no part of her might escape. The 
net was placed at his side, and appears to have been the gift of his 
father Anu, though one of the duplicates inserts ana before the name 
of the god, implying a gift "to" that deity. More winds, seven in 
number this time, were then added as his means of attack — "they 
rose up behind him to cause trouble to KirbiS-Tiawath." "The 
Lord then took his great weapon, the storm-flood; he rode in his 
chariot terrible, a creature unrivalled." To this chariot was attached 
a fourfold yoke, but the nature of the steeds is uncertain. They 
were as terrible, however, as almost anything else mentioned in this 
wonderful story — unsparing, sweeping down, swift of flight, sharp of 
tooth, poison-bearing, knowing how to overthrow (as Jensen com- 
pletes), skilled in destruction. 

As for the god himself, he was covered with the cloak of his 
dreadful majesty, and his head was crowned with his overwhelming 

Thus arrayed for the fray, he set out for Tiawath's lair, wher^ 
enraged, she awaited him. With his lip he restrained her fury, or 
something of the kind, holding in his hand the plant of incantation — 
even the king of the gods did not disdain that means which mortals 
have employed and stiU employ to gain an advantage over those 
whom they hate. 

"In that day they clustered around him. 

The gods clustered around him ; 
The gods his fathers clustered around him, 

The gods clustered around him ; 
Whilst the lord advanced scrutinising Tiawath's mind. 
Searching out the intentions of Kingu, her husband. 
As he looked, his thoughts became troubled. 
His understanding cast down, his action confused ; 
And the gods, his helpers, going by his side. 
Saw the trembling (?) of the leader— their glance was troubled 

The words in the last four lines apparently refer to Kin^u, 

Tiawath's spouse, and not to Merodach, for it is unlikely that the 
Babylonians would have admitted that their great divinity could be 
overcome with such weakness. The failings attributed to Kingu, 
however, did not overtake Tlawath herself, at least at first, but raising 




her voice, she seems to have reproached Merodacb, who, in his turn, 
otters a long reply, ending with a challenge to Tiawath to begin the 
fight. With many expressions of rage, she, similarly to Merodach, 
repeated an incantation and a charm, and then stood forth. 

But Tiawath, according to the legend, had no chance from the 
first Spreading out his net, he caused it to enclose her^ the evil 
wind attending him he sent on in front, and when Tiawath opened 
her mouth, he caused that enl wind to enter, so that she could not 
close her lips. 

"The angry winds filled out her body, 
Her heart wa3 oppressed, wide opened she her mouth ; 
He drove in his spear, cut asunder her body, 
Slit her inner part, cut through her heart, 
Captured her, and destroyed her life, 
Threw her body down, and stood thereoa" 

Having been thus subjugated, her helpers — divine beings whom 
she had begotten — were scattered, and departed. The gods who had 
assisted her, and who had accompanied her, trembled, feared, and 
turned away. Being surrounded, however, they found themselves 
unable to flee, and were made captive, bearing, in the prison into 
which they were cast, Merodach's anger. As for Kingu, her spouse, 
he was bound, and counted worthy to be set with Ugga, the god of 
death; and the Tablets of Fate, which Tiawath had entrusted to 
him, were taken away by Merodach, who sealed them with his signet, 
and grasped them to his breast. Thus was the power of AnSara 
restored, and thus did Merodach attain the desire of Nudimmud, the 
Creator, whose son he was. As for Tiawath, she was to be com- 
pletely destroyed, so her skuU was cleft, and the veins of her body 
cut through, her blood being carried away by the north wind into 
secret places. This rejoiced the hearts of the gods, who brought to 
him gifts and ofTerings. Dividing her members, he thought out what 
he might do, and cut her body, like a niaidi-fisti, into two parts, 
placing half thereof as a covering for the heavens. There he fixed 
it, and a watchman was set with instructions not to let her waters 
come forth. It was thus that the Babylonians concaved the forma- 
tion of "the waters which were above the fiimament" or "ex- 
pansion." With regard to the other half of the Dragon of Chaos, it 
may be supposed that it remained below, on the earth, as "the 
waters under the firmament." 




Traversing then the heavens, he examined the places, and set 
^^ara, the heavens, as the city of Anu, Bgl, and £a or Aa. He 
erected the stations of the great gods, stars being their emblems. 
The year was instituted, with its twelve months, to each month three 
stars, or, perhaps better, three constellations, Nibiru, his own star, 
the planet Jupitei, received his special attention. In the middle of 
the heavens he placed the zenith, and caused Nannaru (the moon) to 
shine forth as the ruler of the night, and to show the divisions of 
time. Many other things were then created by him, including man, 
whom, as is shown by the fragment first published by Mr, King, he 
formed from his blood, obtained, Berosus says, by cuttmg off his 
own head. It is on this account, the priest of Babylon adds, that 
men are rational, and partake of divine knowledge. At this again, 
to all appearance, the gods rejoiced, and met in the great assembly- 
ha]I, UpSukenaku, to celebrate the occasion. It is a great pity that 
this portion of the legend is so defective, and it is to be hoped that 
more of it will speedily come to light There is a fragment regarded 
as belonging to this part, which refers to the city of ASSur, the old 
capital of Assyria ; and this, if more perfect, would probably explain 
why the legend was so popular in Assyria as it is known to have 

But in all probability there is no portion of the series of tablets 
dealing with the exploits of Merodach more interesting than that 
which proves to have been called " the Tablet of the 5 1 names " and 
formed the 7th of the series — whether originally belonging to it, 
or added after the six preceding tablets had been composed in order 
to make up the sacred number of seven is at present uncertain. 
That in some way it was distinct from the others may be surmised 
not only from the difference in subject and also, probably, in style, 
but from the fact, that the seventh tablet, and that one only (to all 
appearance), was provided with a glossary, in Sum ero- Akkadian, in 
which the words of a version in the popular dialect are explained, 
line for line, by the Semitic roots, as given in the text which we 
possess. The existence of the glossary shows the great importance 
which the Babylonians and Assyrians attached to this portion, and it 
is only to be regretted that so little of it has so far come to light. 

The text of the seventh tablet is divided into sections, indicated 

by the name Tulu (designating Merodach as the creator and begetter 

of the gods) on the obverse, but there is no such distinction in the 

case of the reverse, at least in the copies of it with which I am 




acquainted. It gives his various names, with an indication of his 
attributes when they were used, and is of considerable interest and 
importance on that account. He is described as the creator of 
vegetation, the light of the father his begetter,* the hfe of the people, 
the pure being, the pure or holy crown, the pure incantation, he who 
knoweth the heart, etc., in each case under an appropriate Sumero- 
Akkadian name. The most interesting of these paragraphs, however, 
is that of the " Pure " or " Holy Crown " : — 

"Tutu (is), fourthly, Aga-azaga (the Holy Crown)— may he make 

the crowns holy — 
The Lord of the Holy Incantation bringing the dead to life ; 
He who had mercy on the gods who were imprisoned, 
Took off the yoke laid on the gods who were his enemies, 
To redeem them, created mankind. 
The merciful one, with whom is the giving of life. 
May his word be established, and not forgotten, 
Id the mouth of the black-headed ones (mankind) whom his hands 

have made." 

Concerning ana padi-lunu, which I translate doubtfully, with 
Jensen, "to redeem them," it is not my intention to speak — we do 
not know sufficient to discuss the matter satisfactorily. It will be 
sufficient to say, however, that padti, the infinitive from which padi 
comes, means "to spare," and that the rendering suggested is one 
which is worthy of consideration. There is no doubt, however, that 
Merodach received the title of "the Merciful One," on account of 
the forbearance which he showed to the followers of Tiawath who 
had fought against him and the gods of heaven at the beginning of 
the world, a story which was probably the original of that given by 
Avitus, Bishop of Vienne, and repeated by Caedmon in The Fall of 
the Angels, and by Milton in Paradise Lost. 

And this lead^ up to the inscription to which the preceding 
outline of the Legend of Merodach forms the introduction. It is a 
tablet of late date, but from the words in the extract quoted above, 
"he who had mercy on the gods who were imprisoned," there is 
every likelihood that the text it bears is a copy of a document of a 
more ancient period, though probably not as old as the originals of 
the seven tablets of the Babylonian Creation-Story. It seems to 
consist of an introduction (which is, for the present comparison, the 

* The god Aa or &a. 



most important part), followed by references to the gods going forth 
from the various cities to greet, apparently, Saturn* and Merodach. 
The following is a rendering of this inscription as far as I am able to 
make it out, the text beii^ sometimes defectively written, probably 
in consequence of damaged places in the scribe's original : — 

Column A. 

1. Ht strengthened his bonds. 

2. He goes down to the prison. 

3. He rises (?) and approaches the prison. 

4. He opened the gale o/r he prison, he comforts them. 

5. He looked upon them then, aii of them ; he rejoices. 

6. Then the captive gods looked upon him — 

7. Kindly the whole of them 

8. regarded {him). Their seat 

9. Nergal took, he is angry (1) with them, 

10. 7h glorious {f) En^me-Sara a word he speaks — 

11. Merodach says thus . . , 

12. " Zord Xayanu, thy children are J — 

13. In the morning he will violently make an end to them." 

14. En-me-tara, hearing this, 

15. Said" Woel" His mind became downcast ; 
\f>. He opened his mouth and said a word: 

17. " They are strong, and their judgment is the desire of my 


18. Nergal opened his mouth, and 

19. Pronounced the word to En-me-Sara the glorious (J) : 
ao. " From the beginning — 

21. Even from the beginning, 
33. Has thy creator (^) done this." 
43 En-me-Sara, Kayanu 

Column B, 

2. The god • 

3- ""d 

' The ume as As or ta., Itie fothei of Merodach. 



4. >K 

5- ^M 

6. And the ^d 

7. In the morning 

8. He took 

9. He took 

10. I was angry 

11. Merodach [opened Hts mouth, aTid\ 

12. [fronouaad the word] to En-m\e-!ara .] 

13. ThusCi) 

14. Kayanu, the god 

IS- 7%ow{?) 

16. and \thy\ sons 

\^. Hetook 

18. Kayanu, the son 

19. His image 

20. To his fathers 

31. All 

21. His image 

Column C. 

I .fatling . . . 

t. record^}) of . . . 

3 falling . . . 

4. all the heart . . . 

5. and he . . . 

6. Glory ... 

7. Merodetch . . . 

8. and in heaven thou (?).., 

9. lord of heaven . . . 

10. dwelling in the temple of . 

11. periodical offering . . . 

12. comity forth from . . . 

13. I thesin . . . 

14. UntUthisiy) . . . 

15. Altogether & tablets 1^) . . . 



, 16. WAfn . . . 

17. and Merodach . . . 

19, for the goods . . . 

ao. and he . . . 

II. for future (J) days . . . 

ax. sceptre and \throne7'\ .... 


r. The gods, all 0/ them — tkegodsof . . . 

2. Borsippa, Cutkah, Kit, 

3. And the gods 0/ the cities, all 

4. to take the hands of Kayanu {and) the great lord Merodach 

5. to BaiiyloTi go, and with him 

6. at the ne^u year's festival, in the sanctuary of the king, 

7. ofer gifts before them. 

8. As for the day, on his appearance {?), Anu and Ellila 

9. from Erech and Nippur to Babylon, 

10. to take the hands of Kayanu {and) Bel, to Babylon 

11. will go, and with him 

12. will march in procession. To the temple of offerings 

13. togetherihe great gods all 

14. to Babylon will go. 

15. The gods, all of them, Kayanu with Bel{?), 

16. to the temp& of offerings will go; like the king 

17. Kayanu will git'e forth {}) his light. 

1 8. The star Du-sisa ; Merodach ; 

19. Nirig; Nebo ; 

20. Samai, Anu, Bil and Nebo, 
II in two parts. 

{To be continued.) 




By R. Campbell Thompson, Af.A. 

The following is a translation of my copy of (he series SA . CAL , 
L,\ published in Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, Part 
XXIII, Plates I-XIV. Of the rest of this Part, Plates XV-XXII 
were translated in P.S.B.A., November, igo6, and Plates XXIII-L 
mihe AtntJiean Journal of Semitic Languages, October, 1907^ 

SA.GAL.I.A apparently means "the enlarged (swollen) joint, 
muscle, or sinew," and the ceremonies all refer to pains in the 
lumbar r^on, back, and thighs, which are expected to last two 
years. Hence it seems most probable that the incantations were 
written as prescriptions against rheumatism. Many of the passages 
are absolutely unintelligible lo me, and serve to show that our 
knowledge of the cuneiform medical texts is still very imperfect. 

From the standpoint of comparative magic, one of the exorcisms 
is extremely interesting. The Assyrian magician claims that the 
inointa^on is not from man, but from Ba'u, Gula and Nin-aba-kuddu, 
and he is adopting it (PI. HI). SkEat (in his Malay Magic, p. 437) 
has published a similar Malay spell 1 "Not mine are the materials, 
Ihey are the materials of K6mal-ul-hakim ; Not to me belongs this 
neutralizing charm, To Malim Sidi belongs this neutralizing charm. 
It is not I who apply it. It is Mahm Karimun who applies it." 

The philological value of such a text as this is considerable. 
The meanings of several words, hitherto doubtful, can be cleared up, 
or &t least lo some extent elucidated. Especially noticeable are the 
words i&, kinsu, iaSailu, giUu, kisallu, and th(^ iij«ffA-stone. 


L& is a word that has hitherto given a good deal of trouble. I 
think, however, some such meaning as " refuse," with a secondary 
special significance of "excrement," is at least plausible. That two 



such meanings could be combined in one word is paralleled by the 
two meanings for the Syriac i£*idt sUrcus (fclti^ ^t.* is "dross 
of iron "). Lu^u has the particular meaning of " filthy " in regard to 
streets : ullila sulliiunu lu'uti, "I cleansed their filthy streets" (BA I, 
10, quoted Muss-Arnolt. p. 464), and there is also a group gAR , 
TU.NA = /«-'-(■ gi-ri-ti (Bfunnow, No. 8596). A classical text 
(Sennacherib VI, 16) gives "the deluge of my fighting kima li-e 
zumuriun ishup swept away their bodies like dung" (Delitzsch, 
H. IV.B., p. 374, refers possibly to another /tf). It has to be some 
plastic material, for little magical figures are made from it : e.g., 
Maklu II, ir3, INIM . INIM . MA. mumprata nadi (?') ^a/am /I 
KAM, " Prayer of uttering a chant (?) over a figure of II (i.e. dung)," 
parallel hymns to this being recited over figures of bitumen, bronze, 
etc., in the same tablet. Compare also IV, 41 (ja/t/id»i) iu ia idd& 
[/m] ia ti(u lu ia !\ " (figures) either of bitumen, or clay, or it (dung)." 
Tallqvjst translates "honig," but this cannot be correct. In the 
grammatical text, K. 246 (I, 65, W.A.I. II, 17), two 'unclean' 
substances are mentioned : It ia ina zumri kuppuru, paralleled by 
akalu ia zumur ameli muHiidu. The latter must be "food which 
a man's body has expressed " (less probably "rejected," i.€., vomited), 
and hence the former must have a meaning, at least, in connection. 
Kuppuru is, as is now unnecessary to explain, "to make atonement," 
and the li is constantly used in connection with it, and hence we 
may try a tentative translation : " refuse which has made atonement 
for the body of a man," The sense of this last passage becomes 
clear from an "atonement ceremony" (see my Devils and Evil 
5^(>(/i, Vol. II, Tablet XI ; iV.A.L, IV, 27, 52-54b): "The Idd, 
whereof thou hast taken out the heart (becomes) /('/'- food (unclean), 
with which thou shalt make atonement for the man ; bring a censer 
(and) a torch, scatter it (the unclean food) in the street." Another 
such is tablet "T," line 38 {ibideni) Akala U ina kai^adi-iu iuiun-ma, 
"set refuse-food at his head." The word apparently obtains a 
pr^nant sense here. 

An additional a^ument for the meaning "excrement" is found 
in Ma^tu VIII, 87-88; II kurummali J"^'" saiam '""^iaifapi 
u "' kaiiapti akal II epul-ma libbi kurummati suruh-ma, " Make two 
meals of dung, one each for the figures of sorcerer and sorceress, 
and make invocation over the food." Tallqvist translates "mache 
von leckerhafter Nahrung," but this seems less probable. Hostile 



magidans in efligy are not treated well, and the most abominable 
food is set before them to drive them away. Delicacies are more 
likely to attract them than to attain the desired object. KOchler, 
in treating of this word, shortly (in his j4ss. Bab. Medizin) translates 
it by "dough," which seems less probable. 

It is interesting to see, in Skeat's account of a Malay ceremony 
{Malay Magte, p. 431), a parallel which may support this view of 
the meaning of H. When a Malay is under a ' waxen-im^e' spell, 
the magician rubs him all over with hmes, and next morning, after 
various ceremonies, the limes are squeezed into a bowl and used, 
partly for washing and partly medicinally. "The 'trash' of the 
limes (alter squeezing) is wrapped up in a iirah leaf at evening, and 
dther carried out to the sea (into which it is dropped), 01 deposited 
ashore at a safe distance from the house." Li should correspond 
to the word ' trash ' here. 

In the present text (C. T. XXIII, i, 4), the priest must put one 
^a of leaven on the lasur-ieeA, and put the sick foot thereon, 
and "make the atonement" for the foot with the tt (refuse) of the 
leaven. Again the use appears to be pregnant; it will become 
"refuse" when it has done its work. 

Kiitpt is a word which occurs several times. It is known from 
(17) the descriptions of mythical beings {DevUs and Evil Spirits II, 
146 ff.), i.e, (i) ina iepitu ia imitti irsita \iapii[, libit iepiSu fa 
imtiti ^upur ifptri . . . , iepiiu ia furneli tar[fatma], kinsa Ha (appiSu 
\iapis\ (p. 15a) "with his right foot he . . . the earth, the base of 
his i^ht foot is a bird's claw . . his left foot is stretched out [and] 
the iiufa of its sole [ . . ] " ; (a) [ina iepiiu] ia iume/i irfila lapis, 
[iepiiu] ia imitti iutegwratma, [kin^a] ia (appiSu iapi^, [libit iepiiu] 
ia imiltiiu tupur i^^rima, [kin]ia ia tappiiuma iapif{p. i$z), "[with 
his] left [foot] he . . . the earth, [his] right [foot] ... and [the Unfa] 
of its sole . . . , [the base of his] right [foot] ... is a bird's claw, and 
the [iin]fa of this sole also . . . , " 

From (b) K. 1285. 19 (published by Strong, Trans. IX Orient. 
Congr. II, 107) it occurs in the phrase kamis ina kin^'ilu '"^"Atiur- 
bdniaplu ittanahar ana ^'' Nabt belilu ; "Bowing on his ktn^i, 
Assurbanipal presents himself before NabO, his lord." 




From (c) (the present text) it occurs between the words koblu 
("belly") and \khallu\ (^95, "hips" or "loins") PL III, 17 ; with 
kablu, PI. V, II, 2, and kisaltu, PI. XII, 49, the text being broken ; 
between giiiu ("neck"?) and kisaliu, ^ablu rapaitu and laiallu 
("shoulders"), being mentioned with it (PI. IV, 16-17, PI- XI, 38; 
between Sir u//i{" the flesh of the loins," or similar) and kisaliu, 
PI. VII, 34 ; (in PI. IV, 8, and PI. VIII, 42, utiu takes the place of 
fo'jtfK between iablu and kisaliu). 

From (a) it is a part close to the foot-sole. There is no doubt as 
to the meaning of tappu, "sole"; it is the Heb. nop, "palm"; 
koK (appi, "the base of the tappu" occurs constantly in the descrip- 
tion of mythical beings quoted above, and it " has no heel " {i^ba la 
iH, ibidem, 148, 1. 23). But although near the sole in case (a) 2, it 
must be noted that the " sole " is a. bird's claw. 

Case (i) certainly looks as if we are to translate it "knees," 
although Assyrian has a word ^i>M But the "i/wi^a of the foot-sole" 
does not seem to coincide with such an explanation, and the case 
apparently demands some part nearer the foot. I would therefore 
suggest "shin" as a possibility. As, however, the specification "of 
the foot-sole " is added, it may be that kittfu meant the forearm as 
well. In the sculptures (e.g. of Jehu, on the Black Obelisk) the 
suppliant is suing on hands and knees, and it may be that Assurbanipal 
describes himself in this way. Secondly, the order of the words gittu, 
kitisu, kisaliu, seems to demand some part between the neck and 
the loins, although the sequence in these cases apparently does 
not denote necessarily anatomical order. 

Giiiu occurs elsewhere in C.T. XXIII, PI. 36, 1. 57 : "when a 
man holdeth water on his head [and] thou touch the place where 
it holdeth the water with thy forehnger ; if the flesh of the ^'itu 
stinketh {or, is evil) ...."; and in 1. 64 : "if the flesh of his giJlu 
stinketh (or, is evil), put 'fire of stones' at the base of his head," 
C/. also Pi. IX, 12, ifta giStHu iepiiu u kisalliiu. 

We have therefore to identify some part of the body with giilu 
which will agree with these two descriptions : (a) in some form of 
suppuration on the head, where if the pus be touched, pain (or, 
possibly fretor) is produced in the flesh of the giSSu ; (b) in the case 
of rheumatism where the pain can be felt. Taking into considera- 
tion that the charm in the case of the head-suppuration is to put 
" fire of stones " to the base of the bead, the back of the neck seems 
the most probable part, and this, being in close connection with the 



top of the spine, may well be affected by rheumatic pains. Hence 
giSIu would appear to mean " neck," or " back of the neck." But it 
is only a tentative suggestion. 

This stone was long ago pointed out to be the cornelian or onyx 
by Meissner and Rost {Bauinschriften Sanheribs, p. 58), on the con- 
nection between certain discoveries of cornelian by George Smith 
in Sennacherib's palace and the description which Sennacherib him- 
self gives of his building as follows: — " /4*'won-stone, whose shape 
like cucumber seeds is fashioned, as many as are valued for necklet- 
stones, a stone telling (?) of favouT and confidence to be obtained, 
that no sickness draw near to man, which were brought down from 
Mount Nipui" (p. 52). I cannot, however, see that the reference 
given here to Smith's Assyrian Discoveries, passim, proves the point 
satisfactorily, as the discoveries in queslion appear to have been only 
(i) half an amulet in onyx, inscribed {p. 98), (3) bracelets and rings 
in glass and cornelian (p. 435), probably most of late date, although 
two cornelian rings were of true Assyrian workmanship. Personally 
I do not remember finding any cornelian object of great interest on 
the mound of Kouyunjik, and I think the point of the comparison 
with "cucumber-seeds," or, in fact, the actual meaning of the word 
"corn-stone " has been missed by these authors. But it is not far to 
seek. There is a class of amulet very common in Egypt made of 
small cornelians in the shape of small arrowheads, about half an inch 
long, and pierced to wear in necklaces. As far as I can recollect, I 
saw none in Mesopotamia, but I was able to buy about 500 in 
Sawlkin, where they were said to have come from Arabia. The 
description "cucumber-seeds" accurately fits Ihem. 


Series Sagtdlu. 

K. 2432 -I- S. 1899. Obverse. 
{PI. I.) 

1. Enuma bu^i^' Sir utli-Su eSteniS(ni£) ikkalu?' . . .-a u izzazuP' - 

ka-la i-li-' SA . GAL Satti II 

2. NSru ir-ba-an 5a KU . 5E . SIS te-^ir [usurti (?)] £a nari 

GI.SA.SUR tuSerab(ab) SE. Gifi.BAR tuzarrab(?)-ma 

3. ina eli Gl . 5a , SUR ta5akan(an) ameli marsi [ina mulij-fei 

tuge5ib(ib) I ^a SE . SIS tuzarrab(?)-ma 



4. ina eli GI.SA.SUR taSal;an{an) Sepi^u roarsi [ina] eli 

taSakan(an) ina li'i SE . SIS Sepi-5u tu-kap-par 

5. Siptu gUS RI . A HUS RI . A : la . . . bi Sa nab £i na ab 

6. a na ni ib bi Sa ab SJ na ab : tu-[Se-sa]-am-ina '■"SamSu ""Zu-uk 

£i Sa nab 

7. litti ina l^rni-Sa udurti ina £aiti-Sa nini ir-t}a-[an ina] ldb-ri-5a 

^-ba-ma puliknu apil puldni tib-lut TU EN 


9. Kikittu^u Sipta an-ni-ta ina tak-pir-ti Sir utli tamannu li'u 


10. ina ... Sa erib ""Sam^ t^lakan-ma ina tit pt bibi-Su 

tugammar ina ''""kunukki (?) SubS (?) u ^^'gin-nu 

11. tdbi^u ta-bar-ram Sir utli-Su ina gibilli tu-kil tenji-ik-ki'^u-ma 

^t-su tasabat-ma 

12. nftni ir-faa-an Sa te-si-ru VII^u u VII-5u tu-Sib-bir-Su e-nu-ma 

ib-bi-ni QAR.GIM takabbi 
PA a.) 

13. Siptu epuS(u5) ''"E^ ip-Sur ''"E-a pa-tar lum-ni Sup-Su-fei uz-zu 

14. pu-su-us ki-sir lum-ni ""E-a it-ti-ka-ma 


AMA •Sal kalam .ma me . en 
16. 'iTi arali nin . . . gal. an. na 


5ame(e) a^-e nam-ri-ri 

18 rabdtipi i-na-aS-iu-u-Su 

19 ul gi-gi-tu 

ao kJb-ri-Sa 

K. 2431 -l-S. 1899. 
<P!. I-) 

1. When the joints of theJUik of his loins are all painful . . . , 
and are stif{7), (but) ail having power, {the diagnosis is) a 
swollen joint lasting two years. 

2. Make a circle with an ir^an-" river" of leavened meal ; put 
into \thecircle\ of the "river" a Sasur-«<rf(?),- kneadt^) some 



ffihai-iom ami put it on the "^ssax-rudl^); make the sick man 
rest thereon; ineadQ) one ka of haven and put it on the 
Sasm-reed (J) ; put his sick foot thereon. It is with the re/use- 
food of the leaven that thou makest the atonement. 

5. Jneantation : — 1 invoke the cow with its horny 

the sheep with itsfleeu, the \^^xn-" river" with its iani that J^., 
son of JV., may recover. 

Perform the incantation. 

8. Prayer for the swollen joint 

9, Ritual for this .• — Repeat this incantation in the Atonement for 
the flesh of the loins : put this refuse food in a western . . . and 
complete the door thereof with clay mixed with stubble ; seal up 
the door thereof with a signett}) of Subfl (?)- and ginnu-i/o«j, 
and then hold the flesh of his loins in {the flame of) a torch ; take 
hold of his dress and his hand and lead him across the iitjan- 
"river" {with which thou hast encircled him) seven and seven 
times. When he has crossed {for the last time), say clearly* : — 

13. Jneantation: — £a hath created, Ea hath loosed ; free the evil, 
still the wrath, undo the knots of the evil, {for) £a is with thee. 

15. Incantation: — O Physician of the world, O Ninnisin . . ./' 
Thou art the gracious mother of the world, the leader of the 
underworld, mistress of E-dubba . . . [M'n]-gal-anna, lady of 

the black-headed race. of heaven, a shining crown, 

great, they bear him 

1 The fiist two line* (far which compare PI. 5, IL tI-13) are unintelligibk to 
me. Apart from their meaning, they appeat to have something in common with 
inch words as koeus-feeut, abracadabra, and other magic gibberish. 

» On gAR . r.lM =1 "clearly(?),"see/'.5.J'.^.,Nov. 1906, p. aai. 

' There U a form jjf Ba'u DINGIR NIN.IN.NI.SI. AN.NA. which is 
probably the same u this, especially when Ba'u is mentioned on PI. 3, 1. 14, 
wider the form DINGIR.DA.MU and DrNGlR.GU.LA. Furthermore Ba'u ia 
called oiA^ jn/Zafu, " the great physician " {W.A.!., Ill, 4I, *. 29). 

{To be continued^!) 



By the Rev. C. H. W. Johns. 

The new date-list published by Mr. L. W. King in his " Chromcks 
Conaming Early Babylonian Kings" (see Vol, II, p. 103), gives the 
traces of the year-name for the first year of Samsu-iluna as MU 

Sa-am-su-i-lu-na LU[GAL-E ], and, in the 

second line, NAM-EN-BI KUR-KUR-R[A ] IN-GAR. 

Here the verb IN-GAR is restored from the Constantinople date-list, 
but Dr. M ESS ER Schmidt's copy in the Orientalistische Litttratur- 
zeihing {jf)OT, col. 172) makes it clear that IN-GAR really belongs 
to the end of the date for the second year. This is borne out by the 
fact that tablets dated in the second year, and given by Mr. King 
in his Letters and Descriptions of Hammttrabi (Vol. Ill, p. 343, 
note 76), and Dr. Ranke in The Babylonian Expedition of the 
University of Pennsylvania, Series A (VoL VI, J, 49), have the 
same verb in the variant forms— I-NI-GAR-RA and UN-GAR. 

It does not seem to have been noted that two of the Warka 
tablets, B 79A and B 96, are dated in the first year of Samsu-iluna, 
and serve, further, to restore the above traces. Their dates were 
published by George Smith, in the first edition of the Fourth 
Volume of Rawlinson's Inscriptions of Western Asia (p. 36, nos, 
64 and 65). They were repeated in Strassmaier's Texie Alt- 
bahylonischer Vertrage aui Warka (nos. 51 and 68). The latter 
was also published by Dr. B. Meissner, in his Beitrdge sum Alt- 
babylonischen PrtvatrecM (no. 66), and in Scmrader's Keilinschrift- 
liche Biblioihek (Vol, IV, p. 30). Unfortunately these copies evidently 
need collating with the originals. Smiih and Strassmaier give, in 
B 79A, MAH for EN, and, at the end of the date, three signs which 
it IS difficult to recognise. These signs may be the same as those 
Dr. Ranke read UN-GAR, but suggest an ending in AG-A, At any 
rate, they should be collated now. The reading MAH for EN makes 
little difference to the sense — something like "supremacy" in place 


Fbb. is] the first year OF SAMSU-ILUNA. [1908. 

of " lordship." Nor would the last verb make a great difference to 
Mr. King's translation. Taking his readings as correct, so far as 
they go, we see that it was the year when " Samsu-iluna, the king, 
at the sure word of Marduk (estabhshed ?), extended his dominion 
over the lands." The date may be restored, MU Sa-am-su-i-lu-na 
KtlR-KtiR-RA PA-£' BA-AG-A. 

Mr. King has suggested, Chronicles (Vol. I, p. 170), that the 
closing years of Hammurabi's reign may have been clouded by 
some disaster — either the recover)' of Rim-Sin's power in the south, 
or events which led to that. We may further conjecture that 
Samsu-iluna had to fight for his throne, and possibly this may be 
the secret of the discrepancy between the Date Lists and the 
King's List. The former give ^ammurabi 43 years, the latter 55. 
If there were an interregnum of 12 years, during which Samsu- 
Uuna had no acknowledged supremacy, this would account for the 
discrepancy, as the King's List would reckon the interregnum to 
Hammurabi's reign. It may be pointed out that 55 years is an 
abnormal length of reign for one so active in his earlier years as 
Hammurabi seems to have been. If he was of age on coming to 
the throne, his last years would have to be extremely peaceful for 
him to retain his power. It is certain they were not so, however long 
we reckon them. This is, however, the merest conjecture, and can 
■only await evidence one way or another. 




At Kama]!, M. Legrain has discovered the original Sanctuary, 
which seems to have been a tomb-temple of the 1st dynasty. The 
tomb was crowded with vast numbers of votive vases of cylindrical 
shape of later date. He has also found the primitive wall of enceinte, 
and the remains of a temple of Ra-neb-hepu, Mentuhetep, within it. 

At Elephantine M. Cleruont-Ganneau, assisted by M. CLtDAT, 
is continuing his excavarion of the burial-place of the Sacred Rams, 
and on the cartonnage of one of them found the name of the 
cemetery. He has also found the chamber in which the embalm- 
ment of the Rams took place, and the granite altar on which they 
were placed while the prescribed ritual was performed. The granite 
slab, on which the Ram was given its bath of bitumen, is still 
smeared with pitch, and, like another granite slab on which the 
viscera of the animal were extracted, bears the cartouches of 
Usertesen I, showing that a temple of that king once stood here. 
Close by he has discovered a fine granite naos of Fepi I, which 
carries the history of the temple still further back. His last discovery- 
is that of a " cachetic" into which the builders of a temple of 
Rolemaic or Roman age have thrown broken statuettes of stone and 
wood, and beautiful specimens of XVIIIth dynasty blue faience, 
including a hippopotamus, together with other objects. As none of 
these is later than the XVIIIth dynasty they must have come from 
the temples of Thothmes I, Amenhetep II, and Amenhetep IH, 
which are shown by numerous sculptured and inscribed blocks of 
stone to have existed here. 

The German explorers were not fortunate enough to find any 
more Aramaic papyri at Elephantine, and are now engaged on the 
Cemetery of the Sacred Crocodiles at Kom Ombo. 



Ai Sheltal, Mr. Reisner has had mosl interesting results, from 
an anthropological point of view. A pre-historic cemetery runs 
under the village, in which green-stone scorpions were found j to the 
Eastof it are four other cemeteries; one of them of the Xllth dynasty 
with negro skeletons, one of the XXth-XXVIth dynasty period, also 
with negro skeletons ; a cemetery of Roman period ; and another, 
also Roman, containing sixty-two bodies, all of which had been 
decapitated or hanged. To the North is a late Christian necropolis ; 
on the island of Hessa, a Ptolemaic or Roman cemetery ; and on 
Bigga, a cemetery of the early Christian period, the occupants of 
which, according to Dr. Elliott Smith, were all of Asia Minor 

At Assw&n, excavations for the foundations of a building on the 
North side of the English church, last autumn, have brought to light 
the remains of an Egyptian temple. The temple seems to have 
been erected by Ptolemy Philopater, but was subsequently repaired 
and enlai^ed by Tiberius, Cl.*udius, and Trajan. On a block of 
sandstone is a well-preserved Inscription in red letters, which reads : 


At a later date a portion of the temple was converted into a 
Christian church, one of the granite columns being consecrated to 
the new faith by having a cross within a circle sculptured in relief on 
it On the capitals of other granite columns there are well-preserved 
examples of carved " Byzantine " designs. The granite pedestal of a 
statue — the bronze feet of which have left a mark on the stone — has 
been "Christianized" by the erasure of tJie inscription on it and the 
carving of a cross within a circle. 

The Copts have utilized a granite altar dedicated to Jupiter, and 

the base of a statue, the inscriptions on both of which have been 

erased. The temple stood immediately to the East of the bases of 

statues discovered in 1895 (the inscriptions on which were published 

73 f 



by Prof. Sayce in these Proceedings, Vol. XVIII, 1896, pp. 107 j^) ; 
as well as of the base of a statue of Diadutnenianus discovered in 

At Thebes, Mr. T. H. Davis, for whom Mr. E, R. Ayrton is again 
excavaling in the Bibdn el Mol&k, has discovered in a plundered 
tomb a quantity of funerary jewellery of Queen Ta-usert of the 
XlXth dynasty. Among the objects are a munificent necklace of 
fil^ree beads and pendants ; two large silver pendants ; three gold 
bangles ; a large silver ring, and eight gold rings, with the cartouches 
of Ta-usert and Seti II, these rings were enclosed in silver cases ; 
two superb gold ear-rings, about 4 inches long; and numerous 
■mailer objects and beads. 


The next Meeting of the Society will be held on 
Wednesday, March nth, 1908, at 4.30 p.m., when the 
following Paper will be read : — 

The Rev. F. A. Jones: "The Andeot Year and the 
Sothic Cycle." 






S, it. 



(PwUge, «/.) 





The Bronze Oraaments of the Palace Gates fron 

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(No. CCXXIV.] 75 G 



The following gifts to the Library were announced, and 
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author, Dr. D. G. Lyon. — "Recent Excavations in 

From the Author, Dr. O. von Lemm. — "Koptische Miscellen," 

Parts 26-40. 
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Thanks were returned for this communication. 



By Theophilus G. Pinches. 

{Continued from p. 62.) 

The " strengthening of the bond " (Col. A, line r) probably means 
simfdy the connection between some divine being and another being 
or beings. There is no direct staEemeni as to who the person was 
who went down to the prison, but it may be surmised that it was 
Meiodach, whose name occurs in line 1 1. In the matter of those 
who were released and comforted, we are not left in doubt — they are 
described, in line 6, as the captive gods {ilani ^abtutu). If I am 
right in my rendering of imlaHi as " they regarded " — according to 
Muss-Amolt, there are three roots maSti, the other two meaning 
"to forget" and "to find" respectively *— the disposition of those 
who had been incarcerated was no longer hostile to him. 

Why Nerval " took their seat " — apparendy that of the imprisoned 
gods — does not appear, and I am far from being satisfied with the 
translation. As I have said, the state of the scribe's original seems to 
have been defective, and the rendering is here and there uncertain — 
doubtless much will be cleared up when (and if) we get a better text. 
Unrecognizable characters appear at the beginning of line 3, and an 
important word may be hidden in the difficult group at the end of 
line It, which b^ins "Merodach thus said," and is followed by the . 
words " lord Kayanu, thy sons are 7" {bllu kayanu mdri-ku sibiHi 
iuna-ma), and I should doubt my rendering, were it not that PI. 33 

* At, howev«i, " to took for," and " to find," coold be expreued by the some 
loot, there may in reality be only two words rnatH. 



of the fourth volume of the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Wtitem Asta^ 
line 53, mentions "the 7 gods, sons of En-me-Sara." If it was 
Merodach who was going to make an end to Kayanu's sons, this 
seems strange, in view of the fact that the head of the Bahylonian 
pantheon was regarded as the merciful god par excellence. My 
translation of line 17 is only provisional, though the rendering of all 
the words therein could be sustained from other passages in Babylonian 
literature. The last word but one, however, which I have read nis- 
tnat and translated "desire of," is uncertfun, and this doubtful word 
may be the key to the true rendering. Perhaps the phrase dannu u 
Sipti-Sunu nismalQ) admHa would be better translated by slightly 
modifying the meaning I have given to the first two words — "they 
(the gods of heaven) are severe, but their judgment is the desire of 
my children," an answer which would denote submission to 
Merodach's will. If En-me-Sara be Kayanu or Saturn (Cronus), his 
seven sons are probably the days of the week. Unlike the Greek 
legend of Cronus, it was apparently Nerigal, or Nergal, the god of 
war and death, who destroyed them. 

The New Year's festival was held at Babylon on the 8th and i ith 
(of Nisan) — see the Rev. C- J. Ball's rendering of the India House 
Inscription, Proceedings, Dec. 8th, 1887, p. 95, line 57. The present 
text may refer, however, to the occasion of the sacrifices to Nerigal, 
which was also on the 8th (PhilHpps Cylinder, Proceedings, Feb, 7th, 
1888). In any case, it suggests a reason for allowing seven days to 
pass before celebrating the festivals. 

The imperfect columns, which are next in order, do not give us 
much information. They enable us to see, however, that the text 
was carried on in the same strain, and two of the lines (Col. B, 
1 1 and 1 2) may be completed : " Merodach opened his mouth and 
pronounced the word to En-me-iara." Kayanu is twice mentioned, 
and there is twice a reference to "his image," but the god intended 
by the pronoun does not appear. Column C refers to offerings, and 
one of the paragraphs into which it is divided may be an address to 

Column D, however, is in a fairly satisfactory state, referring, as 
it does, to the gods of the various cities of Babylonia going to 
Babylon to take the hands of Kayanu and Merodach, who is certainly 
intended in line 4, and must also be the deity referred to as Bgl in 
line 10. The curious thing is, however, that Kayanu should be 
placed before Merodach. This reminds us that Chiun in Amos v, 26, 



is explained as being for Kayawan or Kaywan, the Arabic fonn of 
the name of the planet Saturn, and that, in that passage, the Hebrews 
are reproached for canying about this divinity, of which they made 
their images, and which was the star of their god, which they made 
for themselves. Perhaps, therefore, the words " his image," tatnUU-iu, 
which occurs twice in the defective column "B," refers to the repre- 
sentations of this deity, which were carried in procession, and Jewish 
worship of Kayawan or Saturn may have been due to Babylonian 
influence, which, as we know, was for many centuries strong in the 
Mediterranean tract. 

From column A, lines 10 fT., it would seem that En-me-Sara and 
Kayanu are the same, and this is supported by the astronomical list 
published in the fifth volume of the Cuneiform Inscriptions of 
(Ves/em Asia, PI, 46, where ^lf»->^ j^JJ ^f-- ""'lu-ltm is explained 
as identical with that god. Concerning Lulim also we are not left in 
doubt, as the second volume of the same work, Plate 48, line 520^, 
explains -"'lu-lim as £^1-+ glj ■-< ^TTC?:: ^T "•"'lu-bai-sag-uS, 
which has long been recognised as the planet Saturn — literally " the 
head-firm (= phlegmatic) planet," which is also, probably, the meaning 
of kayanu, the root of which, notwithstanding the spelling of the 
word, is probably Atinw {for Aawona}," to fix." The star t^|-i^ t| >f-, 
which is generally read ^iVrw, is explained i^Cumiform Inscriptions, 
Vol. V, PI. 46, 1. i^ab) as "the light which is before En-me- 
Sara," or "the god Nusku," an equivalence which needs further 

But "further explanation," notwithstanding the constant additions 
to our knowledge, is what many a passage in Assyro-Babylonian 
literature requires. The inscription here dealt with is one among 
many upon which more light would be most welcome, as I have 
already said — but when, if ever, will a duplicate copy be found? 

As practically stated in the fragment of the Creation-Story 
announcing Merodach's intention to create mankind, human beings 
were created in order that the gods might have creatures to worship 
them upon earth, and the delight with which, in the Flood-Legend, 
the gods gathered around the patriarch, after coming out of 
the ark, to enjoy the resumed sacrifices, is a confirmation of this. 
The text so imperfectly treated of, in this paper, and many 
another from Babylonia and Assyria, shows that the Babylonians 
did not neglect what they considered to be their divine duty in that 




t m ^-m 5:!- CSS +1 EI 
j|f 5^ Ea ■£! iu wn * <? ■£! 

EI -^^ #?*!<¥ ?r e .* SN 5:T=T BI -^ 

e m II V- ■<•< ■£! s<i-i -H a 'T^ e -4 fS 

4*B»aB'ffi? ^ EH -^ 
d « >+ <-n e ^ ij^ < <=r!:i h y- 
I -n I- 4 fl-s ■¥ ■«? n -i" ■¥ E*: 
-+ CI =n -Ei x« ■en a 7« IB 
< Bpi Bp »!- B ^ H -•* n a 

4 r B»l « S KW >=E <f- <i- S 7^ 
-H I- 4 "f Jf- 4 -■2t- T- 5:5 EI 
lEI ■*!? H JU ■£!<! n ct s^} CM « EH 

wd EI e «- EI n '-" x« =: 

SI ■T^ < I- (fe( EI ■j^ « '-" >^ •¥ ^S H 
-+ <-II !!= II EI e «- iffi? H 
I -H I- 4 ■«■« -¥ iffi? U -i* •¥ Ci: 
SSI fH sp} EI 

Sil W <?- -6ff tl 

-+ V- ^S I4U4 ef= -EI «il SW 

(Remabdei broken away.) 





a S! ^"m 3:f- s^X +1 H 

fly ESi ti JL, sir #1 <? s 

E le Er y- wH a siiti -s a ■V' e 4 jH 

e ■¥ SI H tl -+ JfiS. 'I «1t «B 

-iflssTBfs "m ar t^ 
t^i -< -+ <cn e <^ <^' < <EW B V- 

r -H r- 4 fl« ■¥■«?? !f ■;,' ■¥ tt 
-+ Cl'r m tl Jl.» 'EN K ,« ST 

< g?:i B?: i«L ^1 ^ a ,4 n a 

4 r B( « e ffiW oE <f- <!- H -j^ 
-_1 T- -4 -+ *- 4 — y T- E! EI 

1|!^ ■«!? ri ^ sn a cr jsJ HW - HT 

B»I ■3' < I- (g( EI ■t' « V rill ^ .fflf U 

-+ <£ir * I? H E «- ■«? tt 

I -a. I- 4 fl« •* ^fflf !f \* -* CJ: 
S5T fll SI Bf 

S5r fl) <!- Afl ■£! 

-+ y- »fS 141 .4 *: -H «H t^Td 

(RemBtnder brcJien owiy.) 





< "f ». tr 5,< (! n 7^ mi ~ 

T « ►< ETir tn CW, B- ■!»» -+ CZI 
T B:f #1 ^R -H B OT Bf * H 
I ■EI4T #r c4 sar ■«? c^ 

- ■£! ti B 7^ -Si- *-r e 4 i!- 
B; r ii - <f- a -+ R <XT < ■=ra.s:n 

T H « ETiI in ■=W. I S:( * 

s t m +1 ■m T sr <s <s 
*r ■¥ EI ■J' -+ ». If- H- 5«s c: 
I K! * K^U -a ■£! ■>«? Jt^ 

-+ Bs. Ew -11 s -^ tn #1 s£;H 

T m <K <S ^ U ^ te= 

in ■« Ef_ ■*! « m^ 

i>r j^ -51 # -+ CI 
"f is® i±i "f .4 s en 

-+ 4 -+ I? OI -iW. < ■=:Wfl 

Column A. 
Ud-dan-nin mar-kas-si-£u 
i-rid-di ki-Suk-kiS 

itba (?)-a[n-ina ik-rib ana ki-£uk-ku 
ip-ti bib ki-5uk-ku i-na-aS r£s-su-nu 
i-mur-Su-nu-ti-ma ka-la-Su-nu i-t)i-di 
i-mu-ru-Su-ma Hani sab-tu-tu 
gim-mil-IiS ka-la-Su-nu 

im-ta-Su-u Subat-su-nu 



is-bat Nerigal i-rag-^-u £li^u-nu 

ana En-me-Sara d-mu-u a-mat izakkar (ar) 

"".Maruduk uin-ma iq-ta-bi zir (?)-ku (P) 

B£l Kayanu mir^-ku sibittj Su-na-a-wa 

ud-diS dan-niS i-Sak-kan iSi-lim-Su-nu^ 

En-me-Sara aji-ni-ta ina Se-me-e-Su 

'-u-a iq-ta-bi is-kal ka-bat-su 

p4-gu i-pu^u a-mat iq-bi 

dan-nu u Sip-p-Su-nu nis-mat (?) ad-mu-u-a 

''"Nerigal pa-a-su i-pu-Sam-ma 

ana En-me-Sara zi-mu-u a-mat izakkar (-ar) 

ultu ri - e - £u 

ultu re - Si - im (?) - ma 

an-nu-u ib-na pa-la-tu-ka 

Enme-Sara Kayanu 

. U- . . . . 
. ar-ku(?) . 

. iS-Si 

. a^u-ug 


ma En-m[e-5ara a-mat izakkar (-ar)] 

. kiatu(?) 

, Kayanu"" 

. at-ta (?) 

. u m4r6 

. iS-Si 

, Kayanu m9r& 

19. tam-Sil^u 

' Oi li-lint'ku-nn. 

• The two we^es following ud-dii may be pari of olin— compaie col. A, 
line 13- 




ao. anaSbe^u 

ai. Ital-lazi(?) 

21. tam^il-lu * 

1)1 turn nmS . . 
ku gar pal (?) . 
(ji turn maS . . 
kal-lalib. . . . 
u Su-u 

Ta-nit-tum, . . 

""Maniduk . . 

u ina 3am£ at . 

b61 5ame-e . . . 

a-Sib bit e . . . 



si-it bi 

aiia-ku hi-tum . 

Gamris samantu im . 

u *'" Maruduk . 

is - tu ina . . 
ana bu-£a-a . . 

ana fl-mu arki (?) . 

Column D. 
ilani ka-Ia-Su-nu ilSni £a . , . 

Bar-sip (ki) Kutfl (ki) KiS (ki) 
u ilani ma-fea-za-a-nu gab-bi 
ana sa-bat qkl& Kayani B61i rabu-u ""Maruduk 
ana BSbili il-la-ku-nim-ma itti-5u 
ana it-ki-tum du-u Sarri 
ina ma-tjar-Su-nu 5ir-qa i-Sar-raq 

' The soiall character ^ a 

the left -hand margin maf be the numeni " 




8. AS-Su Omi ina namari-ma ""Anum u ""Ellila 

9. uitu Uruk (ki) u Nippur (ki) ana B^btli (ki) 

10. ana ^-bat qkti Kayani B&li ana B&blli (ki) 

11. il-la-ku-nim-ma itti - £u 

12. i-Sad-di-tju-u ana bit niqe 

13. ki-mu^-nu il3ni labflti gab-bi 

14. ana Bibtli il-la-ku-u-ni. 

15. ilani ka-la^u-nu Kayanu itti 6SI (?) 

16. ana bit niq8 illakuni kima Sarri 

17. Kayanu nOr-su AT BAT IIAR 

18. Kakkabmeirt ""Maruduk 

19. ""Ni-rig ""Na-bi-um 

20. (""l&imaS 'i"A-num B61 u NabO 
21 -ti . . , inal-[na-Iii> 

The characters in outline in Col. A, lines 3, 10, 14, 17, 19, and 
31, seem to have been defective in the scribe's original, and he has 
simply reproduced what he saw. The restitution of the defective 
characters in lines 10, 14, and 19 may be regarded as certain, but 
the others are doubtful, as are also the last two characters in line 1 1. 

Influenced by the name »-i4- "Jl^ V -^ &^TT' "' En-me-!ar-ra 
(Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. Ill, PI. 63, line 30c; 
IV, P!. 1,1.23; V. PI. 46, lines I4aand2ii«), I have read ^l^V -4 
(Col. A, lines 10, 14, 19, 23) as En-me-iara, but the correctness of 
this may be doubted. ^ has also the value of dug{a), so that the 
real reading may be En-me-dug, probably the Evf^aiico^ of Berosus 
(Abydenus in Syncellus, 38), one of four "double-shaped personages" 
who came out of the sea. Eusebius's Armenian Chronicle has lotagus. 
The paragraph pointing to the identity of '^ f- 4 '^^^ Kaj-anu 
(p. 79) may, therefore, need modification. 

In Col. D, line 15, I have regarded the last character as mis- 
written for ^m,- The Sumerian pronunciation of the first four 
characters in line 18 would be ""'' du-si-sa. 

After copying this inscription, I revised it carefully, but, when I 
came to study it more closely, found that there were several points 
which an inspection of the original might have elucidated. Time for 
this, however, has altc^ether failed me, and I have decided to give 
it as it is rather than further delay the publication. I hope to return 
to the subject when less occupied. 




Bv F. Lecge, 


The forni of the protocol, or full royal style of the Kings of Egypt, 
is settled for us by the rescript of Thothmes I, discovered by Emil 
Brugsch Bey on a limestone stele in the Gizeh Museum, and 
published by Dr. Erman seventeen years ago.' It may be read 
thus ;— 

" [Letter from the] king to let you know that my Majesty (life, 
" health, strength !) has been crowned King of the South 
"and North on the throne of the living Horus, peerless 
" and eternal. My protocol { u nekhebil) has been 

" decreed to be this " : — 

^ l^ri 





" The Horus, Mighty Bull, beloved of Maat. 

" Lord of Diadems, Who rises like a flame, the great twice 

" strong one, 
" Horus of Gold, Beautiful of years, Who makes hearts to live. 
" King of the South and North, Fair incarnation of the double 

" Ra (Aa-kheper-ka-ra). 
" Son of Ra, Thothmes, living for ever." 

' Agyptischt Zeilsckrift, Bd. XXIX (1S91), pp. 11&-I19. Cf.lliat.Y.t, R^auU 

Pkataonique, pp. 84 and S5. 



And he goes on to say that the recipient, the officer in chaise at 
Elephantine, is to make offerings to the gods of the South and of 
Elephantine, and to swear fealty to him in the name of Nefer- 

Let us take another instance of the protocol, that of Ptolemy V 
Epiphanes, the first of the Greek kings of Egypt to thoroughly adopt 
i^yptian customs, which is to be found on the Rosetta stone in 
Demotic and Greek, and in hieroglyphs on the Stele of Damanhur- :— 

" Horus-Ra, The youth who has risen as a king on the throne 

" of his father. 
" Lord of Diadems, Great twice-strong one, making firm the 

" two lands, beautifier of Egypt, beneficent of heart towards 

" the gods. 
'■ Horus of Gold, Giver of life to men, lord of the Sed-festivals 

"like Ptah, prince like Ra, 
" King of the South and North, Heir of the father-loving gods, 

" chosen of Ptah, strength of the double of Ra, living 

" power of Amen. 
" Son of Ra, Ptolemy, living for ever, beloved of Ptah." 

It. will be noticed that this protocol is modelled on the same 
lines as that of Thothmes I, the commencement (or italicized part) 
of each line being evidently a separate title and intended to be 
constant, while the remainder is a name varying with the occupant 

' BODGB, The Dtcrets of Mtnifhis and Canapm, Vol. I, pp. 184-186 ; Vol, II, 
pp. S7i ii4-i»S. 



of the throne.^ The titles in the two cases exactly correspond, — 
with the exception of the first, which, in Thothmes I's case, is 
simply Horus, and in Ptolemy V's, Homs-Ra. If, for Thothmes' 
protocol, we substitute that of Tutankhamen, which M. Legrain 
has just discovered at Kamak, even this discrepancy vanishes.* The 
protocol of Tutankhamen, the last king but two of the XVIIIth 
Dynasty, runs thus : — 

" HoruS'Ra, Mighty Bull, living image of those who are born. 
" Lord of Diadems, Good of laws, who makes the two lands 

" content. 
" Horus of Gold, renewer of risings, who pleases the gods. 
" King of the South and North, Lord of the incarnations of Ra 

" {Neb-kheperu-ra). 
" Son of Ra, Tutankhamen, Prince of Heliopolis Royal. "^ 

' It should be noticed, however, that these names have a Elroog bmily like- 
ness. Thus, the name following the title Lerd of Diadems in both cases contains 
the expression «-=• y ^1 or ^^ Y) 'l1 '"' °' *"■ f"^! " Iwice-strong one" 
or " great warrior," that following the title Hams of Gold an allusion to the 
calendar, and that following the title Son of Ka the expression .V- W^ atikh sella, 
" ever living." . We know from the inscriptions of Queen Hatasu at Deir el-Bahaii 
{NavilLE, Deir el-Bahari, III, PI. LXII) that these " great names " were given 
to the king on his coronation hy a council of nobles ai\d great officers of the 
kingdom, and that " the God put it into Iheir hearts to make these names like 
those which he had made beforehand." As we shall see later, the names of each 
dynasty generally resemble one another \,if IilORBT, Rtyautl Pkaraomque, p. 83}. 

' Riiueil de Travaux, 1907, p. 169. 

' I have given this last name as it is given by M. Lbokain {/ac. lil.) and by 
Mr. Hilton Price in P.S.B.A., X, p. 13a But the final 1 suicn is probably 
a mistake for 1 res, the whole title kiq an resu being " Prince of Annu of the 
South," 01 Hermonthii. Cf. Budge, History cf Egy^, Vol. IV, p. 143. 



Here we see the emblem of Ra added to the Horus on the sreih, 
no doubt in further pursuance of the tendency to identify all the gods 
with the Sun, which had already brought about a like conjunction in 
the names Amen-ra, Aten-ra, and the like.' The Horus-name begins 
with " Mighty Bull," as do those of the king's predecessors in the 
dynasty, and the King of the South and North title contains, in 
both cases, an allusion to the incarnation of Ra. As Ptolemy 
Epiphanes' date is 197 b.c, and Tutankhamen's may be put at 
1400 B.a, it will be seen that the protocol remained unchanged for 
a period of twelve centuries. 


Bat although the protocol thtis became stereotyped, like so many 
other things in E^ypt, after the faU of the glorious XVIIIth Dynasty, 
before the Hyksos invasion it was subjected to the universal law 
of evolution. In modern Europe we find royal titles constantly 
changing from conquests and other causes. The protocol of our 
own sovereigns, for instance, is an epitome of our history ; the titles of 
" King of France " and " Elector of Hanover," which at one time 
fbnned part of it, having been taken into and afterwards cast out of it, 
owing to dynastic changes. So, too, the title, " Defender of the Faith," 
still retained in if, marks the relations of Henry VHI with the Papacy, 
while that of " Emperor of India " bears witness to the assumption 
1^ the Crown of the East India Company's territory after the Mutiny 
of 1857, although the title was formally added only in 1876. It is 
therefore natural that we should look at the Egyptian protocol for 
evidence of changes brought about by conquest, or, at any rate, 
extension of rule, and we find that this is actually to be found there 
if we go back far enough. But these changes take place entirely 
under the Thinite or first three dynasties, when, as we may suppose, 
the empire was in the making. Before coming to them it may be 
as well to see what other changes took place in the protocol, and, 
if possible, what brought them about. 

* The emblem of Rs Bit also appsan above the sreih of Queen HaUau at 
Deir el-Bthaii and ihat of Khaena.ten at El-Amarno. Bui in neither place doet 
il occnr inTariabl]', and it may tbeiefoie be the addition of a later hand. 



Now, going backwards to the time of Usertesen II, the protocol 
is what it was in the reign of Thothmes I. Usertesen's protocol 
reads": — 



" TAa Hants, Guide of the Two Lands. 

" Lord of Diadems, Who makes Truth to rise (?) 

" Hortis of Gold, Repose of the gods. 

" King of the South and North, Rising of the incarnation of Ra 

" {Kha-kheper-ra). 
" Son of Ra, Usertesen." 

But with Usertesen's immediate predecessor, Amenemhat II, we 
find a difference. Amenemhat's protocol is* : — 


' Nkwberkv, Bcni Hasan, i, PI. XXVI and p. 63. A slightly diffeient one 
iven Id Brugsch and Bouriant's Livrc des Roil. 
» Nkwbbrrv, B.H. i, PI. XXV and p. 58. 



" Tke Honis, Praised in (?) Truth. 

" Lord ofDiadtmi, Praised in Truth. 

" Horui of Gold, Triumphant. 

" King of the South and North, Gold of the doubles of Ra 

" {Nub-kau-ra). 
" Son of Ra, Amenemhat." 

There is no great likeness between the Horus-names of Amenem- 
hat and Usertesen, the last half of the Xllth Dynasty being very 
unconventional in this respect, although the King of the North and 
South titles all show a certain analogy. But the ^J^ nebti, or Lord 
of Diadems title, of Amenemhat merely repeats the name in the srtkh, 
and no special name follows it. This is the rule from this reign back 
to the very earliest occurrence of the title,' and both Dr. Sethe and 
Dr. Naville draw from it the inference that the Horus and nebti names 
were, in these early times, the same. I should prefer to see in it proof 

that the nebti was, at this period, a mere epithet like | T neter nefcr, 
" Fair God," or ^^tt-' "eb taut, " Lord of the two lands," both of 
which were later used sporadically after the royal protocol, but 
without forming part of it or acquiring a special name to follow 

The next change that we see in the protocol is in the time of the 
Vth Dynasty, the first king of which was User-kaf, who, according 
to the VVestcar Papyrus," was High Priest of Ra in Heliopolis. It 
seems extremely probable that if we had the full protocols of all the 
kings of this dynasty, we should find that they all bore the Son of 
Ra title, with a distinctive name, in a cartouche ; but we can only 
prove this with regard to Kakai, the third king, Ases-ka-ra or 
Shepses-ka-ia the fourth, A-kau-hor the fifth, and Assa the eighth 
of these kings, I will therefore give here the protocol of Ne-user-ra 
{or, as we should call him in accordance with the later practice. An), 
one of the four kings remaining, who comes sixth in the dynasty. 
It runs thus" :— 

* Setmb, A.Z., XXX, 1893, p. 53, a. 4. This has' since been accepted I>r 
Dr. NAViixa uid other nritera (see P.S.B.A., 1904, p. 133). Di. Schafbr, 
A.Z., XLI (1904), pp. S7 and 88, tiiei to show that Unas and Khifia form 
exceptions to this rule, but to my mind without success. 

w C/. Budge, Histmj tf siypi, II, p. 67. 

" BkUCSCH and BouRlANT, Livrc des Rats, p. 7. 





" The Norus, Seat of the Heart of the Two Lands. 

" Lord of Diadems, Seat of the Heart. 

" Horus of Gold, Divine. 

" King of the South and North, Strength of Ra {Ne-user-ra). 

" Son ofRa, An." 

This is the earliest protocol that we have that contains all the 
five royal titles, and it is fairly certain that the "Sonof Ra" title 
was not used before the Vth Dynasty,^* a fact which is sufficiently 
explained by its founder, Userkaf, being the high priest of Ra- 

We have now got back to the IVth Dynasty, in which it is to be 
noticed that while Khafra, its third king, has as his Horus of Gold 
title the name (i sekhem, "power," his predecessor, Khufu, bears the 
title ^jh without any distinguishing addition.'^ As this is the case 
with all the Horns of Gold titles belonging to Khufu's predecessors 
that have yet been found, and the name which follows it consists 
both here and in the other protocols of this dynasty of a single sign, 
we may conclude that Khafra was the first to attach a special name 
to this title, and that before his time the ^V^ was merely an epithet, 

" Ncfur-ka-ia, ihe predecessor of Snefcru in the Abydos 1U(, is replaced in the 
Saqqara Tabid 1^1^ ^^vT^ . in the Papyrus Prisse spell |^ "^ or ffuni, 
whence it has been thought that this name is Ihe Son of Ra name of Nefer-ka-ra. 
This does not seem to follow, foe the Saqqara Tablet gi^es but few Son of Ra 
names, and the Piisse Papyrus is not good evidence on the point, being certainly 
later than the IVth Dynasty. 

" Brogsch and Bouriakt, he. eit., p. 5. 



as I have suggested was the case with the nebti or ^£ . The 
complete and primitive form ol the protocol under this dynasty is 
well shown in the case of its founder Snefeni, which is evidently the 
model of that of his successor Khufu. 




" TTie Horus, Lord of Truth. 

^' Lord of Diadems, Lord of Truth. • 

" Horus 0/ Gold. 

" King of the South and North, Who makes beauties {Sruferu)." 

This is the first instance of the employment of the cartouche 
surrounding the ^4g^ " King of the South and North " name, and it 
may therefore be as well to give here an undoubted cartouche of 
Sneferu, carved by his orders on the rock at W4di Magh&ra 1* :^ 

It will be seen that here all Sneferu's names and titles are 
crammed together into one cartouche, which would therefore read — 
if its contents be taken as a connected sentence—" King of the South 
and North, Lord of Diadems, Neb-ma5t, Horus of Gold, Sneferu." 
A separate cartouche containing the name Sneferu, and a srekh with 
the name Neb-raaJlt surmounted by the Horus-hawk wearing the 
crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt appear on the same monument ; 
but the arrangement within the cartouche given above should be 
borne in mind in considering the titles of the Thinite Dynasties. 

" LBFSiUS, DrnhnaUr, II, PI, 2. Cj. BuDOB, History of Egypt, II, p. ij, 
where the whole monument is reproduced : also Weill, Hk. dss Inscr., p, 103. 



We see then ftom what has gone before^ that : — 

At the beginning of the IVth Dynasty the protocol included four 
titles only, viz. : the Hants {or hawk), consisting of a name special 
to the panicular king, borne in a srekk or rectangle and surmounted 
by a hawk ; the Lord of Diadems, or nebti, a simple epithet without 
a distinguishing name to fallow ; the Horus of Gold, of which the 
same thing may be said ; and the King of the South and North, or 
suten bat, consisting of the I^tus and Hornet followed by the name 
peculiar to the king bearing it, which was always different to that 
borne in his srekh. 

Sneferu was the first king to use a cartouche. 

Khafira was the first king to add any special name to his Horns 
of Gold title. 

An, i.e., Ne-user-ra, was the first king who can be shown to have 
used the ^^ Son of Ra title and the complete protocol of later 
times, although Jt is almost certain that this practice came in with 
Userkaf, first king of the Vth Dynasty. 

Usertesen II was the first king to add a special name to the nebti 
title in his protocol. 

Tutankhamen was the first king to use regularly the title vs. 

" Horus-Ra " instead of the single '^. " Horus " on the top of his 

Afler this the protocol remained stereoEypted, and it was used in 
the form in which Tutankhamen left it. 

(To be continued.) 



By the Rev. F. A. Jones. 

In the belief that it may throw some light upon Chronol<^ as 
recorded in the Ancient Monuments, it is proposed, in this paper, 
to examine the time-measurements of the Ancient World, and 
especially of Egypt, from the standpoint of the possibilities open to 
obserrers without modem appliances. 

Ptolemy, Hipparchus, and others, long before the present era, 
had made observations without either telescope or chronometer, as 
far as we know, and yet the record of their results is considered 
sufficiently accurate to quote side by side with modern figures. 
But Hipparchus is acknowledged to have learned much from those 
before him, as his predecessor, Pythagoras, who anticipated the 
Copemican system, is said to have obtained his knowledge from 
!^ypt. The measure of the length of the solar year, which comes to 
us from at least zooo B.C., is more accurate than that of Hipparchus : 
and M. Bailv attributed the Indian tables, which contain some 
marvellous approximations, to 3101 B.C. 

The most obvious unit of time is the day. Although no two 
days are, perhaps, precisely alike in length, the mean of a few years 
is so constant that it could not lead astray those who relied upon it ; 
and noon, at all events, was an easily recognised point from which 
to measure by means of the shadow, and capable of being readily 
compared with sunrise. 

Next in simplicity is the lunation, arresting the attention of the 
most careless observer by the changes in the moon's form, and 
recurring with sufficient frequency to constitute it the second great 
measure of time. In nearly every language the word for month 
seems to make reference to the moon ; while in most lands, both in 
ancient and modem eras, the new moon has been a starting point 
in the reckoning of time. 




Even now the great Mahommedan world retains the year of twelve 
lunations, and it seems most probable, if not absolutely certain, that 
this lunar year of 354 days, which survives to-day, is the oldest 
reckoning of all. 

The lunar year, however, unless modified by occasional inter- 
calation, involves the ignoring of the year as indicated by the 
return of the seasons. Spring, Summer, Autumn, and Winter : divisions 
so perfectly obvious that they share with the day and the lunation 
the position of natural measures of time for the observation and 
record of which no astronomical knowledge is needed. 

It is the necessity of a calendar of some sort that gives the 
student of the heavens his opportunity. These natural divisions of 
time have to be correlated in some fashion before they can be com- 
bined ; and, had they been intentionally arranged not to agree, the}- 
could hardly have been more incommensurable. 

The first departure from the year of 354 days — if one nllows the 
Indian astronomy to be ancient— is 355 days, in which time the moon 
nearly completes thirteen revolutions among the stars. The existence 
of this record points to observation by careful observers. It intro- 
duces a new feature : the use of the sidereal heavens as a background 
on which to measure the movements of the moon. The sun's 
apparent movement was far more difficult to observe, no stars being 
visible throughout its course ; and yet their existence was recognised 
and the sun's course traced through the zodiac. Mr. E, W. Maunder, 
of Greenwich Observatory, in his Astronomy ivithout a Telescope, gives 
convincing evidence of the origin of the zodiac in the era about 
3000 B.C., which was the only period within 25,000 years when the 
blank space represented by the South Polar stars — invisible to an 
observer in the northern hemisphere — could have been just where it 
was then depicted. 

This 3S5 day lunar year is by no means common. It was so 
near to the more obvious year of la lunations as to make it a mere 
refinement ; but it indicates a different character of observation. As 
far as lunar observations are concerned, the eclipses would call 
attention to some of the more obscure phenomena of the moon's 
movements, and the lunar Saros of 18 years and about 10 days 
completing a cycle of remarkable accuracy in 649 years comes down 
to us from very early times indeed. 

There would be no need to have special appliances for the obser- 
vation of the eclipses, but to know that 223 lunations lake place in 



18 jears and 10 days, or 36 times 223 in 649 years and i month, 
implies a deteimination of the true length of the year more accurate 
than most are willing to concede to those early ages. 

If Josephus is right (Ani. I, 39) the accurate knowledge of the 
length of the tropical year possessed by men in early times (he says 
before the Flood) is proved by their use of the Great Year of 600 
yeais. In 600 tropical years and one day there are 7,421 lunatJons. 
In ihat period the New Moon and the Spring Equinox correspond 
within an hour. 

It must not be forgotten, however, that merely counting the luna- 
tions and days side by side for so long a period, and comparing them 
n-ith the changes connected with the seasons, would of itself yield all 
the data necessary for the determination of the length of the year with 
considerable accuracy. Still, a rough idea of the solar year must have 
been formed without waiting so long as that. There are simple means 
of observation available to anyone really set on using them. The 
equinox seems to have been noted at least as early as Sargon's 
astrological work, "The sixth day of Nisan the day and the night 
were balanced, there were six Kapsu of day and six Kapsu of night," 
If^.A.I. Ill, 51, I. And when we remember that the equinox is 
marked not only by the equality of day and night but by the mean 
length of the shadow and, most simple of all, by the rising of the sun 
due east, and that the Great Pyramid is oriented with almost absolute 
accuracy by the stars, we need not deny such a degree of learning 
even to very early observers. 

Granted a means of knowing the day on which the equinoxes and 
solstices occurred, we cannot attribute to the ancients ignorance of 
the 6ct that there were between 365 and 366 days in a solar year. 
One of the most ancient of the Chinese records places these words 
in the mouth of Yao, the Chinese Noah : " The Ti said, ' Ah ! you, 
Hsis and Hos, a round year consists of three hundred sixty and six 
days. Do you by means of the intercalary month fix the four seasons 
and complete the period of the year,'"^ — Shu-King, Vol. Ill, Sacred 
Books of the East, p. 34. 

They could not, however, have observed the stars very long with- 
out discovering that there was a want of agreement between the 
length of the year, as determined by the return of the equinox, and 
that indicated by a star occupying the same position again after its 
apparent annual revolution. Owing, however, to this annual revolu- 
tion being complicated with the diurnal motion, it would be extremely 



difficult for an early observer to determine with accuracy the true 
length of the sidereal year in the absence of some aitifidal time- 

There comes down to us from the very earliest ages the record 
of a 360-day year of 11 equal months. It rem^ed the basis of the 
calendar in Chaldean astronomy to very late times, with difienng 
methods of intercalation. It was modified in Egypt by the insertion 
of five days at the end of the last month of the year, making the 
so-called vague year of 365 days. According to Syncellus, quoting 
from Manetho (p. 123, CD., Paris ed.. Catalogue of the Egyptian 
Kings), this was done by Asseth who he says was the father of 
Tethmosis. The quotation is as follows : " He added the five addi- 
tional days of the year, and in his time as they say, the Egyptian year 
was appointed to consist of 365 days, when it before this was com- 
posed of 360." Several difficulties are raised by referring the change 
to so late a date, but Mr. F. G. Fleav in his Egyptian Chronology, 
who reckons Asseth as about 1G29 b.c. (p. 108), maintains that the 
earlier Sed festivals before 1000 b.c. were at intervals of 30 years, and 
were calculated on the year of 360 days, while in those after the 
Sothic Cycle was established, which would only reckon by multiples 
of four, the interval was 28 years (pp. 101-105). 

There is no Lack of evidence for this 360-day reckoning, but the 
explanation usually given of it, as a mere approximation through 
ignorance, is far from satisfactory, 

Idelier has asserted : " I do not hesitate ... to declare that the 
existence of such a time-cycle, used without reference to the course 
of the sun and moon, for the sake of simple figures, is extremely 
doubtful to me." We need not wonder at this repudiation. Why 
should the ancients supersede the lunar year of 354 or 355 days, 
based on actual observation, by one of 360 days, which would 
correspond accurately with no phenomenon and more or less clash 
with all ? And yet they did. 

Ancient China is said to have divided the circle into 365^ degrees, 
but all the rest of the world adopted 360 degrees for its division. 
May it not have been the use of the circle to express a complete 
revolution and the necessity of dividing it into a convenient number 
of parts, which gave rise first to a 36o^iegree year, and hence for 
astronomical purposes to a year? 

When we examine the period of 360 days more closely in the 
light of exact modem knowledge, we find relations between its 



sidereal time and solar time which are so remarkable that it is 
difficult to suppose that they could have been understood then. For 
instance, the stars rise 3 minutes 56 seconds earlier every day, com- 
pleting a. gain over the sun of one sidereal day in a sidereal year. After 
360 mean solar days the gain is just 20 minutes 40 seconds short of 
the whole. This closely corresponds with the difference between the 
tropical year and the sidereal year which, according to Stockwell, 
averages zo minutes 28 seconds. 360 mean solar days in this way 
represent the tropical year with remarkable accuracy. There is also 
a relationship to the anomalistic year, when the earth returns to the 
perihehon, which is not so simple. 

The period of 360 days is, however, the representative of a more 
simple relationship into which we may easily enter. The Egyptians, 
it is well known, had a vague year of 365 days, which they used 
side by side either with the natural year or with the Sirius year of 
about 365J days, of which we shall have more to say presently, 
but I surest that the 360-day year was also a vague year used for 
a similar purpose. The day is without question the simplest 
natural unit. It was not difficult to determine the actual day on 
which any sidereal year ended, but impossible to reckon more 
closely in the absence of an exact method of artificially dividing 
time in the night. Besides this the year did not end at the same 
hour at which it began, but somewhere about six hours later. If, 
however, the days were counted and grouped into batches of 360, 
then at the end of 365 such batches or years, the position of the 
stars would mark off the following year in terms of days. The 
sidereal year would be found to end on the gznd day of the 
366th year, and this would give the length of the sidereal year 
to three places of decimals. We then only have to suppose that 
the reckoning commenced with the equinox, which is the most 
probable time for commencing, and the fact that in this same 
366th year the equinox fell on the 87th day would immediately give 
the difference of five days between the mean solar year and the sidereal 
year. How really accurate this method is may be seen by the fact 
that these five days being the ^\ of the whole, it yields 25,920 years 
for the complete circle of precession which modern science reckons 
at 25.868 years and does not claim certiuntj- at that. It need 
hardly be pointed out that 365} of these 360-day periods are 
exacdy the same as 360 years of 365J days each, so that by this 
simple method the length of the sidereal year and solar year and 



the difference between them due to precession would be exhibited 
very closely. 

It also accounts for the ancient method of recording the days 
in order to afford means of ascertaining years, and adds to Ihe 
already abounding testimony that the extended periods of Berossus 
lao Sari = 431,000 are really days, and mean 1,200 years of 360 
days, or 1182^ mean solar years. This is even more apparent in 
his next figure, 33,091, in which the final figures supply the key and 
suggest that 33,000 days are 91 years of 360 days. The Babylonian 
Chronology of Berossus, thus dealt with, shows the 3,200 years of 
the Nabonidu.s inscription to be 1,700 ordinary years + 1,500 days, 
as included in the 33,091, nnd the date of Narim Sin, consequently, 
somewhere about 2250 B.C. 

The accompanying table (Plate I) of the Berossus chronology 
will show this. The relation of this explanation to the excavations 
at Nippur was dealt with by me in these Proceedings, Vol. XXVIII, 
1906, pp. 264 fT. This seems to require a redt]ction of about 
1,500 years in the date usually attributed to Nar^m Sin. 

Plate II gives the comparative lengths of the calendar and 
natural years already referred to. 

The Egyptian Year. 

While the Chaldeans kept the calendar true to nature by inter- 
calating months into a 360-day year — just as the Hebrews intercalated 
months into the 3S4-day lunar year— the Egyptians, as we have seen, 
made an important departure by adding regularly five days to the 
360-day year. That this, however, was done in the full knowledge 
that it did not accurately represent the natural facts is evident from 
the year so formed being always known as a vague year, and used 
side by side with an observation of the heliacal rising of Sirius. 

Prof. E, Naville, in a lecture given in the College de France, 
1905, maintains that the Bed festivals were regulated by a natural 
year, and Prof. E. Mahler, S.B.A., Vol. XXVII, Pt. 6, pp. 255-9, 
says : " Among the Egyptians there was, besides the usual year forms 
(Sothis year and vague year) also a so-called natural year . . . The 
months of the respective year forms bore the same names ; the first 
month of every year form was called Thoth." While these quotations 
confirm the suggestion just made as to the real purpose of both 



vague year and Sinus year being astronomical methods for regulating 
the calendar year, they further suggest how difficult it is to determine 
now what year is referred to in such inscriptions as give dates at all. 
If ail three forms of year ran concurrently and entered into the 
popular calendar, there would necessarily be great confusion, for 
though, as we shall see, the vague year and the Sirius year were 
correlated as to sidereal time, and coincided in about 1460 years, the 
vague year and the natural year would not coincide till about 1507 
years had elapsed. This would be clear to the astronomer, but 
very perplexing in an almanack for civil purposes. Most of the 
inscriptions, however, refer to the religious feasts and were probably 
dictated by priests, the astronomers of the time. 

Some other considerations vital to the enquiry follow upon an 
investigation of the nature of the Sothic or Sirius year, and the 
misunderstandings which are embodied in much extant literature on 
the subject make this investigation desirable. 

If the vague year of 365 days is thought of as running side by 
side with the Julian year of 365J days exactly, the ist of Thoth of 
the vague year will fall one day earlier every four years till it agrees 
^ain after 1,461 vague years. As this is a backward motion, it may 
also be thought of as the 1st of Thoth of the Julian year advancing 
through the vague year in 1460 Julian years. Thus far is common 
knowledge, but, unfortunately, the Julian year (365"25 days) is often 
mistaken for the true Sirius year, and the Sirius year is sometimes 
taken to be the same as the true tropical year of 365-242242- days. 

The Julian year is merely a round figure, neater to the true 
length of the year than 365 days, but still more than 10 minutes 
too long for agreement with the mean solar or tropical year. It did 
not become a calendar year till B.C. 45, and in that capacity was 
unknown to the ancient Egyptians, though it was anticipated by the 
decree of Tanis, n.c. 238. It has now been superseded by our 
Gregorian calendar year, adopted in Europe a.d. 1582, which is, 
however, still slightly in excess of tropical time, being 3652425, or 
one day too much in 3,600 years. 

The Egyptians, however, did know and observe the year, as it was 
indicated by the first observation of the rising of the Dog Star, Sirius, 
at or just before sunrise. The length of this year depends upon the 
difference between the precession, as it affects the star on the one 
hand and the sun rising on the other, and involves some very curious 



The following table, published recently by Professor E. Mahler,' 
shows that from B.C. 4000 to b.c. 1000 this yielded a year so close 
to the Julian year, that it would not make one day difference in the 
complete cycle of 1,460 years on the vague year ; but the table for 
the whole precessional cycle of 25,930 years, accompanying this 
Paper, shows how very irregular it was at other times (Plate III). 

B.C. Days. Day. Minutes. 

4000 365-2498677 = - 00001323 = - 019 

3000 365-2500471 = + 0-0000471 = + 0-07 

2000 365'i5o29o8 = + 0-0002908 = + 0-42 

1000 365-2505990 - + 0-0005990 - + 0-86 

o 365'25097iS = + 0-0009715 = + 1-40 

These problems may be roughly soh-ed on a precessional glob^ 
in which the position of the pole is altered for each date required ; 
but I have found the following method to possess many advantages, 
and to make it possible to work them out without special appliances. 

On any globe that is provided with a horizon circle (whether 
celestial or terrestrial), draw a circle parallel to the ecliptic and 40° 
south of it. Divide this circle into 72 equal parts, and each division 
will then mark the position the D<^ Star will occupy in rtlation to 
the equinoctial and solstitial colures at intervals of 360 years. (Of 
course, the whole celestial sphere is to be taken as moving with this 
star on the surface of the globe. Any other star's apparent position 
may be traced in a similar way by a circle parallel to the ecliptic and 
passing through the present position of the star.) Take the point on 
the circle where the summer solstice intersects it to represent 
approximately 1000 a.d., and reckon westward for earlier and east- 
ward for later positions. Set the globe with the pole above the 
northern horizon 30° for Memphis or 25° 44' for Thebes, and it will 
then exhibit the relation between the sun and the star at rising and 

For observation at a single date it is sufficient to find the position 
of the star by reckoning in the same way along the ecliptic 72 years 
for a degree, and marking the then position of the star 40° south of 
the ecliptic on a great circle passing through that point on the ecliptic 

Acles dtt XlVth CoKsris 



and the south pole of the ecliptic. The latter being always where 
what is called on the terrestrial globe the Antarctic Circle cuts the 
summer solstitial colure. 

To convert right ascension and declination into celestial longitude 
and latitude, set the globe with both the pole of the ecliptic and the 
position indicated on the horizon. The number of degrees on 
the horizon from the ecliptic to that position will be the latitude, and 
the d^rees on the ecliptic from the vernal equinox will be the 

This method allows of ready modification for change in obliquity 
of the orbit and varying rate of precesaon. 

There is one element of great uncertainty in the calculation of 
the heliacal rising of a star. How long before sunrise could the star 
be seen 7 It is sometimes reckoned as one hour, 15° on the equator, 
but should always be measured verlieaify below the horizon. 

According to Hincks {Years and Cycles used by the Ancient 
Egyptians), Biot calculated the sun's depression at 11° at Memphis. 
In the accompanying table 9° is assumed, which seems the very 
utmost that could be allowed for trained observers. Sinus is nine 
times as bright as the average of first magnitude stars, and the atmos- 
phere of Egypt is exceptionally clear. 

According to both Ptolemy and Kepler, first magnitude stars 
are visible with the sun 12° below the horizon, but J. Schmidt, from 
the mean results of observation (A.N. No. 1495), ^^y^ ^^'^ '■'^t 
magnitude stars may be seen with the sun actually 0° 40' above the 
horizon. The angle of the sun's depression affects very considerably 
the date at which the star would be seen to rise with it, and to some 
extent alters the length of the Sinus year. 

On reference to the accompanying Diagram, Plate I, giving the 
length of the Sinus year for the whole cycle of precession, the 
following points will be obvious ;— 

1st, The very limited period for which the cycle of 1,460 years 
would hold good. Any system such as that of Manetho, or the Old 
Chronicle based on 25 Sothic cycles, is purely artificial. 

and. That no Sothic cycle dependent upon the heliacal rising of 
Sirius at the solstice could be observed at Memphis earlier than 
B.C 1960 or at Thebes before B.C. z6oo, but more accurately 
B.C 2600 at Memphis and e.g. 2000 at Thebes, reckoning depression 
of the sun at 9°. 

3rd. That the difference between the Sirius Year and the tropical 



year indicated by natural phenomena such as the shortest shadow, 
the most northern position of the sun at rising, or the inundation 
of the Nile, would amount to more than 1 1 days in the course of 
one Sothic cycle of 1,460 years. 

4th. That the statement of Censorinus that Sirius rose r^ularly 
with the sun on July list, and that a cycle commenced a.d, 139, 
requires a very abnormal sun depression, 15°, and confirms the view 
expressed by Sir J. Norman Lockyer in the Dawn of Astronomy, 
pp. 261 and 280, that the decree of Tanis altered the reckoning, 
and that a date near to 600 b.c. is indicated as marking a chaise, 
and also that the cycle really commenced, not 139 a.d., but about 
270 B.C., a difference of at least 400 years. He makes the previous 
cycle commence 1738 B.C., a date which would agree remarkably 
well with the time of Assech if that monarch was the same described 
by Josephus as Assis, the last of the Shepherd Kings. 

Tht Date of the Great Pyramid. 

To apply these results to the recorded dates of the monuments 
is beyond the purpose of this paper, but the facts of precession must 
have an important bearing on these problems, and there is no more 
interesting application of them than to the determination of the date 
of the Great Pyramid. 

' It is unfortunate that such extravagant deductions have been 
made from its measurements as to cast discredit upon facts so easy 
of verification, but there is one thing that all astronomers since 
Sir John Herschel are agreed upon, namely, that the inclination of 
the so-called entrance passage indicates the observance of Alpha 
Draconis as the pole star of the period. When Herschel investi- 
gated the problem the common opinion for the date of the Pyramid 
agreed with the famous despatch of Napoleon to his troops in Egypt: 
"Forty centuries look down upon you." Herschel looked for 
confirmation of about 2160 b.c. as the date of the Pyramid and found 
what he looked for {Outlines of Astronomy, 8vo., 1859, p. 205). 
I'lAZZi S.MITH gave great attention to this measurement, and adopted 
2170 i!.c. as the date, and his map of the heavens showing the eflfect 
of precession on the direction of the pole has been copied into 
other standard astronomical books. This, however, did not agree 
with the later views of Egyptologists, and R. A. Proctor very pro- 
perly called attention to the fact that Alpha Draconis twice had 



occupied the position required by the angle of 26° i8' below the 
pole at which this passage is pointed, and these two occasions were 
separated by a period of about 1,200 years. He adopted the earlier 
of the two and fixed the date of building the Pyramid at 3400 B.C. 
(The Great Pyramid, p. 50.) 

I subjoin a di^am (Plate IV, fig. i) of the problem as 
presented by the actual feicts, and accomf)anied by the data upon 
which there is general ^reement. The singular fact is that, though 
Mr, Proctor rect^ised the probability of the Pyramid being built 
iubsequent to the date when Alpha Draconis was at the nearest point 
to the pole, B.C. 2790 (for he says, "it was still the pole star"), he 
entirely ignores that very conclusive argument by fixing on the era 
before, when the pole was gradually approaching the star, but 
comparatively distant from it. 

Singularly enough, the Pyramid builders appear to have recognised 
the uncertainty, and to have left us an indication of a most remark- 
able character, that aryo B.C., and not 3400 B.C., was the true date. 

Among all the characteristics of that marvellously accurate con- 
struction, there is one anomaly which has never received adequate 
explanation. Everything is geometrical except the position oF this 
entrance passage, and the whble system of passages and chambers 
has been placed truly oriented but considerably out of the centre. 
Col. Howard Vyse's measurements give it as 34 feet 6 inches from 
the centre, and to the east of the centre of the north side. This 
eccentricity made not the slightest diiference to the portion of 
the heavens to be seen through it, but it very obviously indicates 
that, at the time the observation was recorded, the pole was to the 
west and not to the east of the star observed. When we further 
discover that the amount of the eccentricity makes exactly the same 
angle with the line of the true pole, as indicated by the centre of the 
north side, it forces the conviction upon us, not only that the later 
date, 2170 B.C., was indicated in the construction of the Pyramid, 
but also that it was intended to be so indicated, which is a greater 
wonder still. 

In the diagram the two small circles mark the apparent diurnal 
rotation of the star round the pole at the two eras concerned. 
Midway between the centres the star was actually very near indeed 
to the pole itself about the date 3790 d.c. 

The rectangular figures represent the view of the heavens through 
the passage at 63 feet, the point of junction with the ascending 



passage, and again at the lowest end of the passage. The dimensions 
of Che passage itself secured the central position of the star at lower 
culmination, and also the inclusion at its upper limit of the position 
of the true pole. According to Proctor (p. iii), from a point in 
the passage very carefully marked, the upper culmination could also 
be just seen from the floor of the passage. 

Diagram (Plate IV, fig. a) indicates the position of the passages 
east of the centre and the way of measuring the angle to reveal 
the 3° 42' of difference between the pole and the star. 

This seems to require a reduction of about i,aoo years in the 
accepted date for the erection of the Pyramid, and supports the view 
of Wilkinson [Ancient Egyptians, Vol- II, p. 276) and others, that 
part, at least, of the dynasties of Manetho were contemporary. 


S.B.A. Procudin^, March, ipoS, 


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Fig. 3. 





By the Rev. C. H. W. Johns. 

When Samaria fell after its three years' siege, commenced under 
Shalmaneser IV and finished under Sargon, the Assyrian ruler 
deported over 27,000 of its inliabitants to the river of Gozan, the 
Chabour, Halab, and "the cities of the Medes." They thus dis- 
appeared from history. Many attempts have been made to trace 
them further, and there has never been lacking a perennial interest 
in every question which could throw light upon the exiled Israelites. 

Obviously Gozan, Habur, and Hala^j are the keys to the situa- 
tion. The Bible dictionaries will show how much hght has been 
thrown upon these names by the cuneiform inscriptions, and it would 
be out of place here to recapitulate what is known of them. It is 
clear that a number of Jewish names do occur in the domestic 
records of Assyria, and there is even a suggestion that the mother of 
Esarhaddon was an Israelite. But all these, it may be thought, were 
slaves, or the descendants of slaves. We should expect the Israelites, 
as a whole, to have been settled in or around the districts above 
named, much as the serfs were in and around Harran, as shown by 
the texts pubUshed in my Assyrian Doomsday Book. Though tied 
to the soil they had lands, houses, homesteads, cattle, families, 
probably as independently as in their own home. They were subject 
to no greater imposts than before, and had the protection of Assyrian 
power. In fact, the picture which the Rabshakeh drew in z Kings, 
xviii, 32, of a land like their own land, a land of com and wine, a 
land of bread and vineyards, a land of olive and of honey, where 
they might live and not die, was no fency picture, but most probably 
true to the experience of the captive Ten Tribes in Gozan. 

Their existence there can be documented, as we shall see later. 

The banks of the Efabur, the land of Halabbii and the district of 

Gozan are not a laige area. Were they the cities of the Medes ? 

The time came, after Nineveh fell, and the Assyrian Empire was 

107 I 



portioned out between Babylonians and Medes, when this district 
was distinctly under Median sway, and at that period it might well 
be called " the cities of the Medes." Still, before long, Cyrus made 
"cities oC the Persians" more appropriate. In the book of Tobit, 
the Hebrews seem to be in Media, but this might ,be due to the 
influence of the view that the phrase necessarily implied Media itself. 
There was a land called Mad-a-a in the Assyrian inscripdons. It is 
by no means clear that this meant Media, but it may be the land 
intended by " the cities of the Medes," Volumes have been written 
on the subject, and, as long as we have no facts, volumes more may 
be written. There is just enough to excite the imagination and to 
romance about. 

We now have some facts to go upon, and it is well to start by 
excluding romance as much as possible. It is alleged that we have 
documentary evidence of Israelites in the above district, before the 
fall of Nineveh ; that, like the Jews at Assuan, they had their own 
temple of Jahve, which had special privil^es, and that they were 
prominent as traders. These assertions must be examined carefully 
before they are accepted as historic facts. 

Dr. S. ScHiFFER has published, as a Beikeft of the Orientalistischt 
Litttratur-Zeitupg for 1907, a most interesting memoir called Keil- 
inschriftliche Spuren der in dtr sweiten Haifle da 8. Jahrhunderls von 
den Assyrtm nach Mesopotamien deportierien Samarier (10 Stiimtne). 
He discusses the contents of fifteen texts published by Dr. Ungnad 
in He/t I of the Vorderasiatischt Schriftdenkmdkr der KoniglUhtn 
Museen xu Berlin, which are remarkable as forming a group of deeds 
of sales, etc, connected with the inhabitants of a city called Kannu', 
whose city-god was Au. It has been suggested that Au is an ideo- 
graphic writing of Apla-Addu, but Dr. Schiffer argues for its being 
a cuneiform writing of Jahve. He further places the city in the 
district to which the ten tribes were carried away, and recognizes 
many Israelite names among them. Hitherto we have had small 
reference in the cuneiform texts to the existence of the Ten Tribes 
after their deportation. 

In the Assyrian and Babylonian Letters (Vol. VI, p. 684 ff.), 
edited by Professor R. F. Harper, K. r366, unfortunately in 3 ver>- 
fragmentary state, already published by Dr. H. Winckler {Samm- 
lung von KiilschriftUxten, 1894), contains some interesting references. 
Samaria is named in line 5, Ei'li-rakabbi of Sama'al in line 6, Tard^u 
the scribe of Gozan in line 9, with whose affairs. the letter is chiefly 



concerned ; while on the reverse Niri-Iau (Biblical Neriah), Palti-Iau 
(Biblical Pektiah, cf. Palti-el, Palti), are connected directly with the 
city of Gozan, Beside a number of Assyrian officials, we have also 
Au-killini. In the Proceedings for June 14, 1905, p. 188, 1 pointed 
out the significance of these facts. 

The reading Abladdu in place of Au is very uncertain, as 
Professor F, E, Peiser shows in his preface to Dr. Schiffer's 
Memoir ; but^also the identification of Au with Jahve needs some 
confirmation. A spelling lau (as is attested for the historical period 
by such names as Hezekiah, Hazaki-Iau, also ^azaki-Au ; Azariah, 
Azria-Au, Azri-Au ; Jo-a|)a2, Ahaz, Iau-l)azi ; extra-Biblical names as 
lau-bi'di, Nadbi-Iau, Ili-Iau like Elijah, and others, just as we have 
Niri-Iau, Palti-Iau in K. 1366 above) is much to be preferred. What 
would help greatly would be the occurrence of (ilu)Iau, somewhere 
as a variant of Au. My own conviction is that Dr. Schiffer is 
quite right in his view of the names in Au ; but I admit that further 
evidence may help to overthrow this opinion once more. At any 
rate, there are a number of names such as Absakmi like Absalom, 
Ilu-idri like Eleazar, Paltl like Palti, Haninaia like Hananiah, Saulu 
like Saul, not to mention hybrids of mixed Assyrian and Hebrew 
elements, which have a Hebrew smack about them. Many more 
may be either Hebrew or Aiamiuc, while a number are purely 
Assyrian. It is absurd to suppose that the Bible gives us a complete 
list of Hebrew names, and the force of Dr. Schiffer's argument 
gains greatly by insisting only on such as are certainly Hebrew, if 
Au be Jahve. Many more may be Hebrew, at least in part. 

The identification of the city Kannu' with the Canneh of 
Ezekiel xxvii, 23, is very interesting; but it is doubtful whether 
Ezekiel's Chebar is the Chabour, as Dr. Schiffer seems to think. 
Professor Hilprecht, Babylonian Expedition of the University of 
Pennsylvania, Vol. IX, p. 28, considers that he has found Chebar in 
the name of a Canal Kabari, near Nippur, where it is certain that 
many Jews settled after the Babylonian Captivity. The frequent use 
of the sign for the soft breathing about this period to replace the 
letter « makes one wonder if Kannu' was a local speaking or pro- 
nundation of Kanu'n, and suggests that these Israelites called their 
settlement Canaan, after their old home. Its exact locality is not 
easy to fix, but it is mentioned in Bu. 91-5-9, 95, Assyrian Deeds 
and Documents, no. 443. There the boundaries of an estate are 
given as, " the king's road, the road to the city Maliati, the road to 



Kannu', the brook that runs down from the city Adi-ilu to (anotbef 
city whose name is effaced), and the road from that city to Kannu' 
as far as the brook." The analogy of similar lists of boundaries 
elsewhere makes it very clear that Maliati, Kannu' and Adi-ilu are 
close neighbours. Of Mali4ti I can find no other trace, but the city 
Adi-ilu is often named. It occurs in a geographical list, K. 43S4, 
published in the second volume of Rawlinson's Inscriptions etf 
Western Asia, p. 53, just before Higi-anbe and another city, B^-ilu 
(or is diis a variant of the name Adi-ilu ?). The'same column 
continues with a list of cities, among which Arablja, Halabb", and 
Rasappa are named, and soon after Apku, Isana, Guzana, Na^bina 
and Amedi. In the next column we find Damascus, Sanialla, Car- 
chemish, etc Hence we may conclude that Adi-ilu was not far 
away from Halah and Gozan. It is difficult to be sure on what 
principle this list was arranged, and it would be unsafe to draw more 
definite conclusions from it. 

In 83-1-18, 335, Assyrian Deeds and Documents, no. 350, in 
another list of boundaries, " the brook, or canal, of the city Adi-ilu " 
in mentioned. Also one neighbour was Kurdi-IStar, probably the 
same as the father of the witness Auluai in 1. 33 of our no. 2. The 
property was situated in the city Beth-Dagan. Among the witnesses 
are three inhabitants of Adi-ilu. The deed is dated in B.c 707. 
The dty Adi-ilu is also named in K. 3495, Assyrian Deeds and 
Documents, no. 396, but with no indication of locality. It is also 
named in a list of estates in K. 9S58, Assyrian Deeds and Documents, 
no. 1116, and little can be made of the fact that the next city named 
is Rasappa, for a number of names may have come between; the 
order may be that on one well known route, or may not be geo- 
graphically arranged at all. The name Adi-ilu, "How lor^, O God!" 
seems very appropriate for a land of exile. But this meaning can 
hardly be pressed. 

By the kindness of a friend, in whose possession they now are, 
I am permitted to publish the texts of two more documents closely 
connected with this subject. They are said to have come from 
Nineveh, as did K. 1366 and several others in the British Museum 
quoted by Dr, Schiffer. Those in the Berlin Museums are not 
localised in the pubUcadon by Dr. Unoi^ao, save that be points out 
their close connection with the district of the Chaboui, and suggests 
that Kannu' is the Biblical Canneh. 

The tablet published by Professor Peiser in OrieMlalisttsehe 



Utkraturzeitung, 1905, 130 ff,, and also quoted by Dr. Schiffer, 
was boi^ht apparently, and so we are not told where it was found. 
Tie indications of locality given by the dealers or native finders are 
rarely reliable for obvious reasons. 

Now, though the district inhabited by these Israelites was on the 
Chabour, we see that their deeds of sale were found in the archives 
at Nineveh. We may suppose that all deeds to be valid had to be 
deposited in the archives at the capital, as our wills have to lie in the 
Kecord Office in London, or possibly the Israelites sought refuge 
there when the invading Medes devasled Mesopotamia. But we 
know that remains of great Assyrian buildings were found on the 
Chabour by Layard. Here is a grand prospect for future explorers 
to discover the traces of the Ten Tribes in their exile home. 

No. I— Case. 

^3 JSffl T -tn -TTT -::TT V, TT 
V ET f T :*T T-- ^n T ^ -ET + <T- 

Space with indistinct seals. 
Edge. £6T T^ <-*] tfTI Kj^ V^SM 

■■>■ I? TIT I cm^ y H « T' V - ff yi 
rkv. < et er ai t~ «f -+ « <aaaT- 

- *T -m « -+ -^ IT -ET <i^%£m 

Space uninscribed. 

<i- I ai <T*: * <T- T ■=TT £m m. <v 
■5. <i- T ¥■! n n <t- T -f !f= < n ii 

-nfcT' 'r <TT cS 

<I- .* T -+ *• -V -ET <« 



V 61 el ST T~ 

m 1 \ -Et + <I- 

- <T- t -en 'm -en n Tj 

B tm an c: t=n ▼ *T T— 


i=nn T i=sfc n 'm ^nn -ny eatjr 

- rtp? e3n -en I? a ■¥ -+ £t i~ 

- cs:( m <= -m Ki- 

rn 5fm =! ^ 


ai T~ - <-tt3 ctm asai i- 

Rev. ,0 


4>4 1 i.^ s -+ u n 

4>-4T « Sff * 

<i- I ^n im <ff 

<i- r En<T** 


<!- I £!<!** 

<K T "f-t^KUT? 

-m >=!* 'T <n cE 


<T- ■¥ T -+ * Sr -ET <« 


n csjg 5? <V I- 


ci^^n « 


No. I — Case. 
Kunuk AfiSur-a-a 

II imerS SE-PAT-MES ana ni-bi Sa 
IV ma-na AT-MES 5d Abu-la-maS-^ 
ina pini-Sii ku urn ni-bi-e Sa AT-ME§ 
. iStu IV imer^ ekli bit zi-bil 
Space foi Mtdj. 
ina bibi &i. (?) alj ummu Kiir-bi-ilu-a-a 
ummu Man-ni-i. Eklu a-na Sanite 
ina bib III inl-ri^e III ka-rab-dji iS&kan) 


Mar. u] the LOST TEN TRIBES OF ISRAEL. [igi 

Edge. AT-ME§ ina mu^bi ta-ram-me 
10. el^u ii-5e-^ ; man-nu Sa ina sa-te 

Rev. X ma-na AT-ME5 idd-an XX me 

ina at-ri idd-an. Sum-ma la-di-in 
ina inui}l)i ta-rab-bi 

Space unioscribed. 
p&n Da-di-i pin Si-in-ki-IStar 
15, p&n Di)}-a-a p&n Nabtt-u-a-a 
ar|)u Aiam dm XII KAN 
lim-mu Nabll-abi-ftreS 

IV ma-na AT-ME§ 
£i Abu-la-ma3-3i 
ina p4ni ASSur-a-a 
ku-um ru-bi^ Sa AT-MES 
5. bit IV imerft ekli b!t zi-bil 
ina b4b Sd ali a-na sdn&te 
ina b4b III mi-ri-gi 
III kar-ab-bi 
Edge. AT-MES ina mubb' ta-ram-mc 
Rev. 10. iSSak-an eklu-Su il-Se-sa 
ummu K(ir-bi-ilu-a-a 
ummu Man-ni-i 
pdn Si-ki-IStar 
pan Da^i-i 
15. pdn Na-di-i 
pin Nabll-u-a-a 
arbu Aiam Om XII KAN 
Edge. ]im-mu Nabd-ahi-SreS 
Left-hand II imert gE-PAT-MEg 
Edge, 20, is-si-ni3 

No. I — Case. 
Seal of Aiiurai 
Ttvo homers 0/ com for interest of 
four minas of dates (?) which AkulamaSii 
had due from him. In Ueu of the interest of the dates 
5, from four homers of field, bit zibil, 



at thi gait of the dly, {next Kwrbt-Uai, 
next Mannt) thefitUfor {a term «/) ytar$ 
in the gait, three sowings thrte fitUows he, shall set. 
Edge. 7%r dates on it shall remmn (?) 

10. TTu field he has let. ithaevtr inJiUurt : — 

Rev. ten mtnas of dates (^) shall gh-e, twenty 

in addition shall give. If ke do net give 
interest shall aecme on it. 

In the presence of Dadi, in the presence of Sin^i-IUar, 
15. in the presence of Nabu-ai. 
Month Aiaru, day 12th, 

Eponymy of NoM-ak-erel. 

Four minas of dates (?) 
belonging to Ahu-lamaiii, 
due from ASiurai ; 
in lieu of interest of dales (?). 
5- a panel of four homers of land, bit zibil, 
in the gate of the city, for {a term of ) years 
in the gate ; three soioings 
three falloivs ; 
Edge. The dates on if shall remain (?) 
Rev 10. he shall set. His field he has let. 
Next JfCurhi-ilai 
next Manni. 

In the presence of Siki-Iilar, 
In the presence of Dadi 
1 5, In the presence of JVadi 
In the presence of Nalid-ai 
Month Aiaru, day nth. 
Edge. Eponymy of NabA-ak-ire!. 

Left-hand Two omers of corn 
Edge. jo. each. 

The scribe was either careless or hurried. He has cut short his 
sentences, mixed up clauses, left out signs. Further, one or two 
places are covered with incrustations which partly obscure the 
characters. On the whole the transaction is exactly like a number of 
those published in my Assyrian Deeds and Documents (A.D.D.). 
The ideogram AT, perfectly certain on the tablets, is new to me, and 



BrOnnow's Sign List does not give any meaning for it that would be 
likely to suit here. In Meissner's Seltene Ideogrammty no. 1747, 
we find a quotation from Cuneiform Texts from Baliylonian Tablets, 
etc., in the British Museum, Vol. XII, p. 47, L 82b, where we may 
perhaps restore {TAJi)-AT= aian suluppi. If this be certfun, 
AT=-suluppu, and the meaning is "a date fruit." Hence my 
rendering "dates." 

The expression applied to the field, bit ziHl, compare bit ztbli 
(A.D.jy., 630, 1. 2), may be the Talmudic D'Vain n'3 , said to mean 
"land needing manure." It is interesting to meet here a Hebrew 
expresdon. It is not likely that the usual Assyrian xab&lu, "to bring," 
would yield a good sense; while the Talmudic 73t means "to 
manure," in many passages. The gate of the city is a difRculty, 
because in one place the scribe seems to have written AT before 
alu, in another TA, and again to have repeated " in the gate " in the 
next line. I have conjectured what seems likely to have been his 
purpose, but some of my readers may further penetrate this obscurity. 

The name ASSurai, literally " Assyrian," is fairly common as a 
proper name. Alju-IamaSSi is also common, and both are Assyrian 
in type. Kurbi-ilai may not be Assyrian, but Hebrew, compare 
Kurbu-ilu and Ifurbu-abu in my Assyrian Deeds and Documents. 
The verb i^ardbu, " to draw near," occurs in Assyrian, but names like 
this are rare and ^urbi may not be the way to read the signs. Dadt 
has affinities with David and with Phcenician names. Sinki-IStar, 
Dijiai, Nabfl-ai and Nad! occur in my Assyrian Deeds and Documents, 
the latter along with A3Surai as here. The date is B.C 681. 

(To be continued.) 




By E. R. Ayrton. 

The excavations made by Mr. Davis have this year resulted in 
two finds of considerable archaeological interest Digging along the 
South slope of the hill of rock occupied by the already opened tomb 
of Rameses VI (No. 9), we found, early in the season, at the depth 
of some fifteen feet below the present surface of the valley, the 
entrance to a deep shaft cut vertically in the rock. From this a 
single chamber opens off to the North. This was found to be full 
of rubbish, and apparently contained nothing of interest. On 
removing the rubbish, we found some pottery and alabaster vases, two 
of the latter inscribed with the name of Rameses II, and a small 
heap of jewelry. This jewelry bears the name of Tausert, with that 
of Sety II, and on one piece is the name of Rameses II- 

The chief objects are : — Two broad silver bracelets, with a scene 
stamped in low relief showing Tausert (1 ^ 1 playing the 
sistrum before Sety Merenptah (Sety II), who is seated. Eight 
gold rings, one of which, in filigree work, bears the name of 
Rameses II, a second that of Tausert, and a third the cartouches of 
Sety II, whilst two have scarabs with Tausert's name on the bezel 
Six plain gold bangles and a silver ring with the cartouches of Sety II. 
The rings were all found in two hollow silver bands. Besides these 
we fotmd the beads and pendants of a necklace in filigree gold-work 
and two heavy gold wig-pendants, with the cartouches of Sety II 
(see Plate). These, with numerous smaller objects, were the only 
things found in the pit, which is probably to be regarded as a eaeie, 
and not an original burial place. The queen's real tomb was No. 14 
of the valley, which was altered for the burial of Setnekht, the btber 



S.B.A. Froreedingj, March, 1908. 





After clearing out this pit we worked on Westward along the 
same rock-face, and about a month later discovered the tomb of 
Horemheb, the last king of the XVIIIth Dynasty. 

This runs into the rock from South to North, and consists of a 
flight of entry steps, a long corridor, a second flight of steps, another 
corridor, and then a deep pit. Thus far the tomb is filled with 
rubbish, and water has penetrated as far as the well. 

The pit is decorated at the top with brilliantly coloured reliefs, 
showily the king before various gods and goddesses. The door 
beyond had already been broken in, and leads into a large undecorated 
room, the roof of which is supported by two columns. In the left- 
hand comer of this room a flight of steps leads down to a corridor 
and small square chamber, both of which are decorated with painted 
reliefs. Beyond this is the large burial chamber, the roof of which 
is upheld by several columns. The decoration of this is in an 
unfinished state ; several small rooms open out on each side. 

In a hollow at the further end stands the sarcophagus containing 
only a few bones, the lid lying broken by the side. The whole 
tomb has been almost completely pltindered, but numerous wooden 
figures of deities remain, and on removal of the debris which covers 
the greater part of the floor, we may hope to find more objects of 
interest From the pit to this room the roof has fallen in to a 
considerable extent, and these large blocks will make the examination 
a matter of some difficulty. 

Perhaps one of the most interesting points in connection with 
the burial is, that though the sarcophagus rests on the ground yet it 
appears to be supported by six wooden figures of deities placed in 
hollows in the rock beneath it, five of which are still in position. 
The sarcophagus itself is of granite, and similar to that in the tomb 
of Ay, being encircled by the wings of goddesses, which are cut in 
relief over the usual figures of the genii of the dead. 

The whole tomb is of great interest, as showing the transition 
from the style of the XVIIIth Dynasty lo that of the XlXth, the 
plan and style being intermediate between those of the tombs of 
Amenbetep III and Sety I. 



The next Meeting of the Society will be held oa 
Wednesday, May 13th, 1908, at 4.30 p.m., when the 
following Paper will be read : — 

P. Scott-Moncrieff, Esq., M.A.: "The Temples at 
Massawrat and Naga, in the Sudftn." 
With Lantern-slide lUustrations. 






(MBMBEBB, 6.. 


(PoBUge, vL) 





The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Oates from 

[SHALMANESER II, B.C. 859-825.] 

Pari V (the final part), with Introduction and descriptive letter-press, 
lias now been issued to the Subscritjers. 

A few complete copies of the book remain unsold and can l)e 
obtained on application to the Secretary. 


Society of Biblical ArchvEology. 

37, GsEAT Rdsskll Strbbt, London, W.C. 
COUNCIL, 1908. 

PRftF. A. H. Sayce. D.D., 4c 
Vitt- PtttiJttus. 
Tub Mmt Rbt. His Graci Thb Lorh ARCHaraHOP or Vork. 
Thb Rioht Rrv. thb Lord Bisbop or Salisidkv. 
Thb Host Hon. the Marqubss op Northampton. 
Thb Rioht Hon. thb Earl op Halsidrv. 
Thb Rioht Hon. Lord Amkbrst of Hackhbv. 
Waltbr MORRrsoK. 

Thb RtoHT Hon. Lord Pbckover of Wisbbach. 
F. G. Hilton Prick, Uib. S.A. 
W, Harri Rvland.1, F.S.A. 

Thb Rioki' Hon. Gshbral Lord Gbknfbli., K.CB., Ac, Ac. 
The Right Rev. s. w. Allbx, D.D. (R.C- Biihop of Sbrewibaif). 
Rev. J. Marshau., M.A. 
Joseph Pollard. 


Rev. Charles Jahrs Ball, M.A. Claddb CL Hohtbfiore. 

Dr. M. Gastbr. Prop. E. Naviu.e. 

F. Ll. Gkippith, F.S.A. Edward S. M. Pbrowhe, F.S.A. 

H. R. Hall, JLA. Rev. W. T. Piltee. 

Sir H. H. Howorth, K.CI.E., P. Scorr-MoNCRiBrp, M.A. 

F.R.S., &c. R. Campbell Thompsok, M.A. 

L. W. Kino, M.A. Euwaro B. Tvi.or, LL.D., 
Rev. Albkkt Lowv, LL.D., &c. F.R.S., &<:■ 

Prof. G. Maspbro. 

HeneraTy Tmnrtr — Brrkard T. Bosanquet, 

i«fWaiy— Walteb L. Nash, M.R-CS, {Bug.), F.S.A. 

HfHvraty Sterttarji for Foreign CvrrttfmJeiic* — F. (.EfiOE, 

Hfurarf ^Arartan— Waltsk L. Nash, M.R.CS- (Siig.\, F.S.A, 







Fourth Meeting, May 13/A, 1908. 



F. Lkcse. — The Titles of the Thinite Kings (cantinmd). 

l^PlaUs) 121-128 

W. E. Crdu. — PUc«-NameG in Deubner'a A'nnnas und Damian 119-136 
Tbb Riv. C. H. VV. Johns.— The Lost Ten Tribes of Israel 

{contimie^ 137-141 

PltOF. A. H. SavcB, D.D. — Greek Inscriptions from Upper 

EgjT* 142-144 

R- Campbell Thompson, M.A.—hB. Assyrian Incantation 

sgalnst Rhaum&tisn 145-152 

W. L. Nash, /".J,.*.— Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities. 

(2>/a/«) 153. 154 

E. W. HOLLINOWOKTH, M.A.—Tax. Hyk;os and the Twelfth 

Dynasty ISS-'S^ 

Reviews 159 

37, Great Russell St rei.p, London, W.C. 



37, Great Russell Strbet, London, W.C. 


Vol. I. Pul I 

Vol. VI, 1 

•. tvri. 

, vin, 

. VIII, 
, VIII, 


10 (he SecKUry. 


(. d. 

General Index to VoU. XI- 






13 6 per Pan 




II 6 „ „ 




13 6 ,_ ,, 


Part 4 


13 6 „ „ 




>3 6 » .> 




. IX 6 „ „ 


Fan J 


.. IS 6 „ „ 

„ XXIX, 



.. 13 d „ „ 

„ XXIX, 

Part a 


„ XXIX, 

Part 3 


■ '■ n 6 » " 

„ XXIX, 

Part 4 


■ 13 6 „ „ 

„ XXIX, 



., la 6 „ „ 

„ XXIX, 



., 13 6 „ „ 

„ XXIX, 



12 6 „ „ 

„ XXX, 

Pan I 


„ XXX, 



10 ", " 

„ XXX, 

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„ XXX, 

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A few complete sets of the Transactions and Proceedings sd!I remain od 
sale, which may be obtamed on application to the Secietaif, W. L. Nash, 
F.S.A., 37. Great RusmU Street, London, W.C. 





THIRTT-EIGHTS session, 1908. 

Fourth Mtetingt May \itk, 1908. 
W. MORRISON. Esq. (Vict-President), 


[No. CCXXV.] 119 L 




The following gifts to the Library were announced, and 
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From W. E. Crum, Esq. — "Miroirs," by G. Bin&iite. (Caialegut 

Gin. du Musie du Cain.) 
From the Egyptian Survey Dept. — "The Archaeological Survey of 

Nubia." Part i. 
From J. Pollard, Esq — "Studies in the History and Art of the 

Eastern Provinces of' the Roman Empire." Edited by 

W. M. Ramsay. 
From the Author, Dr. O. von Lemm. — " Koptische Miscellen," 


Rev. F. C. Norton, Ditchhng Vicarage, 

H. Hirschefeld, Esq., MusweU Hill, 

Miss P. Glendinning, Edinburgh, 

Miss M. L. King, Wotton- under- Edge, 

C. K. N. Blakiston, Esq., Wellington College, Berks, 

were elected Members of the Society. 


The following donation has been received : — 

The following Paper was read : — 

P. ScOTT-MoNCRiEFF, Esq., J\f.A. : "The Temples al 
Masawwarat es-Sufra and Naga, in the Sudln." 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 



By F, Legge. 

{Continued from page 94,) 

In the first part of this paper 1 pointed out how the protocol of 
Egypt, in the form in which it remained from the end , of the 
XVIIIth Dynasty up to Roman times, evolved from the simpler form 
used by Snefru, the founder of the IVth or pyramid-building 
d3'nasty. I shall now endeavour to show how the evolution of the 
protocol can be traced still further back until we find its origin in the 
totemistic practices of most primilive peoples. But before we can 
consider this we must first examine what are the titles that have come 
doirn to us of the kings of Egypt who reigned before Snefiru. As 
was to be expected, the evidence for this is scanty, and most of it 
is derived from objects of small intrinsic importance. It is, however, 
unlikely that it will be much added to in the future, and we must 
therefore get as much out of it as we can. 


In this category I include, as has been before said, the kings of 
Manetho's first three dynasties, although, according to that author, 
Dynasty III came, not from This or Abydos, but from Memphis. 
The reason for this is that all the mc/numents of these rulers yet 
discovered seem to be of about the same style, and therefore to 
belong to what has been called, with great propriety, the Thinite 
period," rather than to its successor, the Memphite. No satisfactory 
dividing-line has yet been discovered between any two of these three 

" I must, however, repeat wlial I have said ia a previous paper (P.S.B.A., 
1904, p. 143, and note) be to the unitustworlhines! of the argument from style 
wheD applied to monumeats the exact provenance of which ig ikot known. The 
examples there given should convince an unprejudiced observer that style under 
the earlier, u under (he later Pliaiaobs, had much more to do with locality than 
period. (See too p. 123 i>tf.\ 



dj^asdes; Khasekhmui, who, from the occurrence of his monuments 
at Hieraconpolis, has been placed in Dynasty 11, being plainly 
connected through his queen Ne-maat-bap or Hapenmaat" with 
Neterkhet or Zeser.'T who ia generally assigned to Dynasty III, 
as well as with Snefru himself; while the occurrence of both 
" Narmer's " and Khasekhmui's monuments at Abydos as well as 
at Hieraconpolis seems to show that Dynasties I, 11 and III were 
continuous and probably related. 

The attempts that have been made from time to time to identify 
the names given in the inscriptions of this period with those recorded 
by Manetho and in the King-Lists have in the opinion of competent 
judges ^* failed — largely because the tombs or funerary chapels left 
by them at Abydos have been so frequently disturbed as to make the 
argument from neighbourhood entirely useless i' — yet the existence 
among these inscriptions of Khasekhmui's monuments offers good 
ground for the belief that they were all made before Snefru, and the 
discovery by M. Weill of two bas-reliefs of this last king on the rocks 
at Widy MaghSra, fashioned, one in the Thinite, and the other in the 
Memphiie style, '^ shows that it was with his accession that a chai^ 
of style took place. In view of the great advance in culture made 
under Snefru and his immediate successors, as shown by the 
conquests of Sinai and Nubia and the building of the pyramids and 
other monuments, we can hardly doubt that we have evidence here 
of the rise of a new dynasty, coming from a different part of Egypt 
from their predecessors, the Thinites, and possibly from one more 
dominated by foreign ideas. Moreover, the order of the kings 
succeeding Snefru is fairly well ascertained and evidenced until at 
least the end of the Vlth Dynasty, and the unplaced or Thinite 
kings must therefore be earlier than he. Khasekhmui was, as 
Prof. Sethe has shown, the consort of Ne-maat-hap, queen mother 
in Snefru's reign, and we thus possess in him a starting-point from 

" " Trulh belong* lo Apis," see Sbthb in Garstans's Mahasna and Bit 
Khalldf, p. 23. 

" See SeTHB, Bp. tl lot. cil. 

" E-S; Ma5PBR(J, Hisl. mu. des peufJes, etc., 6th ed., pp. SS. S?- 

" Set art. fit. P.S.B.A., 1904, pp. 125 igq. My point is that it is useless 
to try to dale a " lomb " from its proximity to, or distance from, for instance, Ihe 
" tomb of Zet," when the original contents of these tombs aie at the same tune 
described as so inexlricably mixed thai there is nothing lo show wbethei the tomb 
in question was made for Zet or for some other king. 

* Weill, Rtauil des Inscrifitiens ^gyptiennts du Siniu, p. 105. 



which we can continue to trace backwards the evolution of the 
protocol that we have seen existing unchanged from the end of the 
XVlIIth Dynasty to the extinction of the Egyptian monarchy. 

Further evidence of the existence, before Snefru, of this series of 
Thinite Icings is to be found in the bas-reliefs of Sinai, vhich include 
the representations of two kings ^IfKh^^- SemeriAet, and the | ■ ^_ 
Neterkhet^^ already mentioned. Now Semerkhct is one of the 
" Kings of Abydos " mentioned in my former paper, whose inscrip- 
tions were found there in abundance by Prof. Petrie, while the tomb 
or fiinerary chapel of Neterkhet was unearthed by Prof. Garstang at 
Bet Khall&f, the result being recorded in his work quoted above. 
In this last tomb was also found a seahng of Queen Ne-maat-hap,^ 
in which she is described as "Royal Mother" (or Queen Dowager), 
and which, therefore, must have been made after the death of ber 
consort Khasekhmui. King Neterkhet roust therefore have reigned 
after Khasekhmui and before Snefru, in whose reign Ne-maat-hap 
was also " Royal Molher " ; ^ and the relative position of their bas- 
reliefs at wady Maghira, if I understand M. Weill rightly, supports 
this conclusion. Nor is this all. The bas-reliefs of Semerkhct and 
Neterkhet show the king sroiting with a club a kneeling captive 
whom he holds by the hair. But this is the very posture adopted 
by the king whose Horus-name is Den in the ivory tablet now 
in Mr. Macgregor's collection at Tamworth {see PI, I inf.), which 
M. Am£lineau says^^ was found by himself at Abydos, and from 
the time of Snefru onward it passed into Egyptian art as the con- 
ventional representation of an Egyptian king defeating a foreign 
enemy. But Den's inscriptions are too frequent at Abydos for us 
to doubt his having belonged to the Thinite period, and there is 
no room for bim between Khasekhmui and Neterkhet on the one 
hand and Snefru on the other, while on the Palermo Stone what 
appear to be his annals occur some lines earlier than those of 
Khasekhmui,*' We may therefore rest assured, before commencing 

" See Weill, Xaueildes Imcriptions £gypliennes dti Sinai, pp. 96 and too, 

" Garstang, Mahasna, eli., PI. X,, 7 and p. 22. 

■ Sbtkb, a/, til., p. 32, and L.D. II., 6. Cf. Maspbro, £i. ignites, II., 

*• Natvtlks Fouilles S Abydos, t. I,, p. zai. 

" Prof, Nbwbekbv has convinced me that nearly all the events recorded in 
the Ihiid register of Face A of tile Palermo Stone can also be found noticed in one 
ototherofthe tablets ot Den given in /'.5.,fl.,4., 1906-1907. 



in detail the study of the titles of the Thinite kings, that Khasekhmni 
and Neterkhet (in that order) are the last of the Thinite period, and 
that Den is anterior to them in dale. 

The inscriptions, other than those just referred to, are all 
written on stelas, vases of which we have but fragments, the ivory 
tablets formedy examined in the Proceedings {set last note), or the 
clay sealings of wine-jars discovered by M. Am^lineau and Prof. 
Petrie at Abydos, by Mr. Quibell at Hieraconpolis, or by Prof. 
Garstang at Bfit KhallSf. No cartouches,** or Golden Horus- 
names,^ are found among them ; but they contain many Horns and 
suteti bat titles and names which we will now consider. To avoid 
discussion at this point of conflicting theories as to date or order, I 
will arrange them alphabetically. In the first place we have seventeen 
undoubted Horus-names occurring on stelas, vase-fragments, ivories, 
or jar-sealings found on find-spots of the Thinite period, viz. : — 

Horvs-Names of TTiinites. 


The Horus Aha. P.S.B.A., 1906, pp. 253 
sqq.. Pis. I and II. 

The Horus Azab, Am^LIneau, N.F.d'A., 
II, PL XXI, 4. 
R.T., I, PL XXVI, Jar- 
sealing No. 57. 

[^ The Horus Den. Am^lineau, N.F.^A., 
P.S.B.A., 1907, p. loi 
sgg., PL No. 5. 

' Except city-ones. The scene of the tam-laui or uniting of the Two Lands 
on the Hieraconpolis vases does not, to my thinking, show any cartouche, but 
merely Che female vulture grasping the ring Q. so common in later limes, where 
she is shown with it hovering over the king at his enthronement. [Cf. Quibkll's 
Hierakonfolis, I, Pis, 36, 37, and 38.) 

'^ Khaba's sealing given by Prof. Petrie (H.E., I, 5th Ed., p. 36) does not 
show any Horus of Gold litle, as he seems to think, since there is no hawk on the 
ntdi. A golden Sa title, or something like one (|-s-))< >s shown on Neteikhet's 
dooi-post at Beilia ; but this inscription is suspected, with reason, of having becQ 
altered after its execution. See Weill, Rtciail <Us Imerifilim!, etc., p. 100, 
Q. 3, for authorities. 















HoruS'Nama -of Thiniies — continued. 

= Vli 


The Horus Am^linkau, N.F.d'A., 

Hotep-sekhmui. II, PI. XXI. 

Annales dxt Service, III, 

p. 187. 
J?. 7^,11, PI. VIII, 8-ir. 

The Horus Hierakonpolis, II, PI. 

Kha-ba. LXX, 1, 4. 

Petrie, H.E., sth Ed., 
p. 36. 

The Horus Hierakonpolis, I, Pis. 

Kha-sekhem. XXXVI & XXXVII. 

id., II, PI. LVIII, and 

pp. 44, and 45. 

The Honis Hierakonpolis, II, PI. 

Kha-sekhmui. LXIX, 8. 

AuiLmEAU, N.F.d'A., 

PI. XXI, 12. 

"T^ The Horus Hierakonpnlis, I, PI. 

1^ Narmer. XXVI, B. 

AMfeUNEAtr, N.F.d'A., 

R.T. 11, PI. II. 

ii=: The Horus 
' |p= Neteren. 

Palermo Stone and 
Statue No. i Gizeh. 

The Horus 

Weill, R. des Ins. Ag. 

du Sinai, p. 100, 
Garstang, Mahasna, 

Pis. VIII, IX, and X. 


Horus-Names of Tfdnitei — continued. 




0^^ i 

















The Horus 

The Horus 


Abydos, I, PI. V. 

Qui BELL, ArfhaU Ob- 
jects, II, PI. 62, No. 

Statue No. i, Gizeh. 
Ann. du Servia, III, 
pp. 188, 189. 

QuiBELL, Archaic Ob- 
jects, II, PI. 8, 165. 

Ill, Pt. I, PI. XXVII, 

Abydas, III, PI. IX, 3. 

The Horus 

The Horus Quibeli, A.O., No. 

Semer-kheL 14.630. (PI- LXII). 

Weill, R. dts Ins., p 

^.7"., I, PI. VII, a, 3. 

The Horus Zer, or P.S.B.A., 1907, p. 71 
(better) Khent (and PI.) No. 4. 

Am£lineau, N.F.d'A^ 

The Horus Zet, Am^linkau, N.F.d'A., 
^.7:, I, Pi. IV, 4, and 

X, 8. 




To which, I think, may be added the following, who use the srekk 
surmounted by some emblem other than the Horns hawk : — 

Horus-Names of Tkinites — continued. 



The Set" 

(■9) f [ 



(") I3 



Am^lineau, N.F.^A., 
Ill, Pt. 1, PI. XX. 


Garstang, Makasna, 
PI. X. 

De Morgan, Origitus, 
II, i6g. 


15, No. 11,319. 

The Amen" Se(?) Do. do. 2, 34. 

The Neith" 

" By anaiogy with the usial taiiBUtion of the g^ title u "Th« Bonis." 
The name of the Set animal is probably, as M. Lorbt has pointed out, to be read 
"Asch." See his excellent essay " L'^^gypte au temps dti Totemisme," /Jnn, oi* 
Jtfutie Guimtt, Bibl. de Vulg., t. XIX, p. aij. That the Bigns ^^ cjo refer to 
the animal and not to the god seems plain on comparison wilh the [^ylactery 
No, 48, F.S.B.A., 1905, p. 301. 

" The bird seems to be the Ba-bird ^* '^' *' *" events, the bird in the srikh 
of Kha-ba. (see above). Yet I am still uncerlab whether the word in the srekh 
which has been read houp is not really three superposed mountain signs i£^^ 
in which case we may be back again at the name of " Seiui," 

** That the name of the god Amen, or that of his sacred animal, was known in 
Thiuite times perhaps appears from the Jar-sealing 194 in R. T., II, PI. XXIII. 
As is but too frequently the case with certain of the E.E. F. expeditions, no correct 
record seems to have been kept of the destination of this object, and I have there- 
fore failed to get a sight of the original sealing from which the "hand-copy" was 
made. If the A sign on it be turned round, we have here the name of Menes 
written as under the XVIIIth Dynasty, and by parity of reasoning with the case of 
Azab-Merbapen given later this must be the sulin bai name of Khasekhmui. I can 
makenothinBofthesecondsigninlhejr«M(io)in the text, and am not sure whether 
it is a sriih at all, the part which would contain the fa^adi being broken away. 
According to M. AM^LIHBAij {N.F.d'A., L III, pt. 2, p. 641), a stela exists 
bearing the name ^^ I ^^ cit not enclosed in a rectangle, which he reads 
" The Horus Sbat," but this seems very doubtful. 




We have also nine •^^ sulen bat or King of the South and 
North titles occuning on similar monuments from the same sites as 
the Horus titles. These I will abo arrange alphabetically, and, 
except where otherwise noted, all the inscriptions where they occur 
will be found reproduced in the Plates. 

Suten bat Names of THinries. 



(■) MM-^ 

King of the South and North, Lord oj 
Diadems, Hotep. 

(") mm 

King of the South and North, Lord of 
Diadems, Hu {or Nekht). 


King of the South and North, Lard 0/ 
■ Diadems, Khasekhmui. 

(^' n\l 

Kingofthe South and North, Metbapen. 


King of the South and North, Lord of 
Diadems, Neteren. 


King of the South and North, Lord of 
Diadems, Neterkhet. 


King of the South and North, Perabsen. 


King of the South and North, Lord ^ 
Diadems, Qa. 


King of the South and North, Setui. 

{To be continued.) 


S.ii.A. PiixeeSngs, Hay, 



From a photograph ol the original object. 



S.B.A, Frxadinp, Slay, 1908. 


R.T., I, I'l. xi, 14. 



PI-ATJ'". III. S.B.A. Precuding!, May, 1908. 



R.T.,\. PI. id, 4. 

n n photi^raph of the original object given by M. WnWJle. 
Cf. Amilineau, H.F.^A., 1. I, PI- xlii. 







S.B.A. Proceedings, Miy, 1908. 



J!.r., I, PI. »u, 1. Amilineau, N.F.d'A., t. I, PI. iLiJ. 

Cf. P.S.B.A.,XXlX,pf. Uiclscq. Cf. /'.5-.J.^.,XXI, PL. iii, fig. 5. facing p. 18S. 

(The same ftagment as PI, III, fig. b, suf). 



^.r-.i, PI. vi 








S.B.A. Frixeedings, May, 1908. 


i. Maspeio, Annales du Servut, t. Ill, p. 187, Type No. 1 A. 



i?.r., II, PI. viii, 13. 



PLATE IX. S.B.A. Pmecdings, Afaj-, 1908. 



Amilineau, N.F.d'A., t. II, PI. xxi. 5- 



i^'ii rj^S: 




R.T., I, PL xai, No. 87. jar-sealing. 

R.T., II, PI. xxii, No. 190. 


KiTO^y PI 

R.T., [I, PI, xxiii. No. * 





By W. E. Crum. 

Among the subjects most in the air — hagif^raphically speaking — 
at tlie present time are, on the one hand, that of twin saints and twin 
gods and, on the other, that of the practice of 'incubation' in the 
shrines of medical saints and divinities. In the investigation of both 
subjects Professor Deubner has taken a foremost part. 

In the dissertation preliminary to his excellent edition of the 
Acts and Miracles of the 'gratuitous' physicians, Cosmas and 
Damianus,^ he discusses the name of the burial-place attributed to 
these saints in the ' Asiatic ' version of their story : p. 91 it is stated 
that they were laid ev rip ToVijt Tip KoKov^ivi^ <bt(>t)i,ov, and pp. 93, 93 
their resting-place is referred to in the same words. Variants are 
^epciinav, <bepfiaii,' ^epfu'vaf. Deubner (p. 47) takes it as beyond 
doubt that we have here but a form of Peremoun~Faram&^ the native 
(Coptic and Arabic) name of the border town Pelusium. His main 
support for this assumption is the observation of the 9th century 
writer, Epiphanius of Hagiopolis, who places the saints' bodies at 
Askelon, apparently holding this to be identical with 'the castrum 
called ^tiipfia, the beginning of Egypt ' (D. p. 48). It will be noted 
that Epiphanius has his own spelling of the name ; what is more, 
his inaccuracy argues gainst any personal acquaintance with the 

' Kiismas und Damiatt. Texte u. EinleiEung. Leipzig, 1907. 

* A lemlniscence of Ihis name is perhaps to be seen in *tppXai for «ipf>i) (in 
Kitiu) in one MS. of the Lamiac History, Butlbr ii, 61. 

* So Ya^&t iii, SSz (not Ferma), who observes ^gjUj) f . w\ .t^" *— 1 »Aj, 




It may be worth enquiring whether the Egyptian version of the 
legend offers anything towards confinning or weakening the hjpotheus 
of Phereman = Ji/usium.* 

Dbubnbr refers (p. 77 n.) to the Egyptian (Arabic) Synaxarium, 
but not to the Acts whence the short story there is derived. These 
Bie to be read in the MSS. Paris araie 154 and 358; Bodleian 
Hunt 470 and Seld. 54; Brit. Mus. Or. 4723. The Paris MSS. 1 
have not seen ; the others (designated here If., S., and £M.) show 
the same text, difTering, however in certain features. /T. is dated 
A.D. 1577, S. is almost modem, £M. of about the i jth century. 

But the Arabic Acts were of course merely a version from a Coptic 
text, and it happens that a few fragments of this are preserved. They 
belong to three Sa'idic MSS., all dating from about ± a.d. iodo.' In 
the following abstract I have indicated the points at which the 
Arabic is supported by a parallel Coptic passage. 

Under Diocletian and Maximian there lived ' in the castle (^r;, 
wvpfot) built in the name of the Son of God ' (BM.) a widow, 
Theodota, with five sons: the two elder Cosmas and Damianus, 
learn the art of medicine, the others become monks. Palladia and 
the eggs. The talking camel. Diocletian's apostacy, owing to the 
dishonesty of the archbishop to whom the Persian prince had been 
entrusted.' His edict enjoining worship of the gods [Here Paris 
MS. copte loa, f. 8]. He summons C. and D. to Antioch and 
threatens them. Lycias (LasiOs (_^jj*-J^), the wily of the city, 
b^s they may be mildly treated ; but persuasion fails to move 
them. Cast into a furnace ^^u\, they remain steadfast; so too, 
under various tortures, in presence now of the king,' now of Lycias. 
In BM. they give their home as in Arabia bjl,', in the province 
JUal of the castle (iM abin'e\ in the city called Dabarmi t^j; 

* It is a cuiious coincidence thai Arab tradilion (Istakhit) should place the 
tomb of Galen at Pelusium. V. A, J. Bu TLBR, Arti6 Canq., *I0 n. 

■ ZOEGA cliii (pp. CIA, GIB) and lierlin Kgl. Bibl., Cod. Copt. Tol. 1611, 
f. 6 (pp. CKl., tIKH) are from one MS. ; Paris MSS. coptes lOI, f. 8 (pp. ? ) 
and Iig", f. \^ (pp. pij pH) from another ; PaiLs 129", f. 18 from a third. 

■ V. Am^liseau, AcUs 129, 177; HwEKNAT, AcUt 19J. This and the 
subsequent introduction of St. Victor are Ibe commonplace furniture of the Coptic 
versions of many Diocletian martyrdoms. 

' Hence the 'Osioa' of Wustenf eld's, 'Asius' of Basset's Synaiaiiam. 

* This direct intervention of Diocletian is quite in character with Coptic usage. 




S. and S. read ' from ar-R&biah, of the province of the pillar whereon 
is the picture of the Lord Christ, Son of God,' ajic ufJJl J4.*«l' 
Jl 'i,yo\ ' from a noble city named ^('mmiJ or 7(ir<i»(a,'\^y, Lcjj 
The three younger brothers are likewise brought to Antioch, where the 
king offers them life or death. They choose their elder brothers' death. 
Further torttires (draped through streets by horses, crushed in a 
press .wjSiT , roasted in the bath furnace, buried in a deep pit yd*.)- 
Several times an ar^el is sent to deliver or heal them. The king, 
exasperated, threatens to behead Lysias; hence a new series of 
tortures, but all in vain. The wSly b^ to be taught thdr magic 
\Here ZoEGA CLIII]; they exhort htm to believe. In wrath he 
imprisons and tortures them afresh. A kbakh tree, to which they 
had been fastened, is destroyed by the angel Michael and, falling, 
injures Lysias, whom Cosmas then heals. After once more im- 
prisoning them, Lysias in despair resigns his office. The king 
appoints Claudius tn bis stead,* who threatens to flay the saints 
\Htre Paris MS. eopte 129", f. 17, AC^itone Ae uneqpACTe 
AqxooT Mtri nppo Aqeme nkaataioc AqAAq u^HreuiuM 


eBOA euMeTMCtuuA - unpueere mhtm xeueuoor otkhb 
M.\eciACMe '<*]. While their tortures are renewed, Lysias returns 
and declares it a disgrace that two governors should be thus defeated. 
It is agreed to try 'drowning. But Christ himself descends into the 
deep to encourage them ; their bonds are loosed {Here Paris MS. 
cepie 129^^ f. 18], the stones about their necks float like ships 


TiWHT epooT ^AMTOTBi oneKpo. The two governors de- 
clare thdr inability to overcome these men. The king in anger sets 
his ^i;;iii in the theatre of Andoch, where the saints are bound to a 

' The introdactioa of this personage, unknown to the other versions {unless 
we see some hint of him in ' Clinius,' the judge at the opening of Mombkitiu^ 
text) ioerilably recalls the ' Claudius Lysias ' of Acts xxUi, if>. Even such a 
bluodei would not be beyond the capacity of a Coptic adapter. Claudius is the 
jodgt in Syntax., jth ThQt (tf. Nillbs, Kal. ii, 696) and in that of CPle. 
(July I4< DsLBHAVB 819) in ihe Passion of Justus, apparenllr the martyr so 
popuUr in Egypt. 

" 'Think not that these be the cool waters of Lysias.' BM. f. 13 a, ly« ' 
j.jy\ 4(Wj ^j„~i ^J\ , If., s., misunderstanding, tr*-l j' <at^ (^^. 

" Ec^aXiT the capital of ). column. 



pillar, a fire being kindled in their faces e^pAi ;.\neTZO. But 
at Cosmas' bidding the pillar bows down, AnecTVAAOC ka xux| 
enecHT, and the theatre quakes. He calms the affrighted crowd. 
Their mother then reviling the king, is forthwith executed. A young 
courtier, Victor, son of Romanus,^^ has the courage to bury her, in 
a place named :« 'the treasury,'" whereat he is banished to Egypt, 
there to die a martyr. The five saints are finally executed, at a place 
named .^1. 

An Ethiopic version of the Arabian legend in Br. Mus. Or. 691, 
f. 179(1 (also in 686, 6711, and 689, 87*), gives their home 'in the 
province of A/rdnyd or Atry&nos, the town of DSrhni' The story 
is a good deal elaborated, introducing at the close, two brothers 
Bel&wos and Bels&wos (or Belyos and Abtlyos) with a crowd of othos, 
martyred at the .same time. But here tlieir death takes place at 
Ag&woi or Agdas, showing that some Arabic (Coptic) version had 
actually preserved the correct A1701'. This is indeed demonstrated 
by the Difn&r (Antiphonarium), where, under this date, we read 
Aqoruipn {sc. the king) notohpiom MzHreutuM ei*eAC 
tnoMC i^x*i\ \j-^ |J1 (MS. Rylands, p. ^a)." 

These Acts, which, it will be seen, contain little of interest 
beyond the Synaxarium's abstract, are followed (in the Arabic only) 
by seven Miracles (Or. 4753, ff. i6a-2a*). They are (i) the man 
who swallowed the snake = Deubner, p. 91; [Here Berlin, Kgl. Bibl., 
Cod, Copt. i6ir_^/., f. 6]; (2) Malchus's wife, though here no tiame 
is given = D, p. 93 ; (3) the Jewess healed = D. p. loi, but with a 
prolongation at the close ; (4) the sons of a rich vintner who had 
made a vow to the saints, are helped in evil days by renewing their 
father's offering. Not in Deubner; (5) a soldier, conveying the 
bodies of C. and D. to burial at DaiarmS, is robbed of his clothes 
on the road, but, at his prayer, the five saints, riding white horses,^' 
appear and restore them. Not in Deubner; (6) the virtuous 
wife= D. p. 164, but with an additional incident at the close; 

" The Acts of Victor recount his charity in tiurfing lh« mactyrs' bodies, but 
give no names (Pbrbira, Ada marl, i, Veisio, p. 211, in Carp. Ser. Ckr. Ot.\ 
Bouriakt's Encomia (Mitiiciiftaitf. Tiii) do not icfer to this. 

" So £M. Perhaps misunderstanding TAcffffiiM/ioip or rannar. Batff.,S. 
read this /St and the followii^ name Vj (°' ' W )- 

" So MS. Gottingen Kopt. 9 (Pie 

" C/. Dbubsbr, p. 53- 



(7) a sheep-devouring lion at D>tl>arm& tamed by the saints. Not 
in Deubner." 

Of the miracles which recur in the Greelc, nos. i and 3 give no 
place-names, nos. 3, 5, 7 name Dabarm^, nos. 4, 6 'the castle built 
in the name of the Son of God or of the living God.' It is thus 
evident that DabarmA in no. 2 corresponds to 'the place called 
Phereman ' in the Greek text. The name Uy J is variously pointed. 
The BM. MS, of the Acts and Basset's Synaxarium '^ have always 
UjJ Dabarvta, Forget's'^ and one Gottingen MS. \^jiji DairamA, 
JJiniftiA, the Brit. Mus. Synaxarium (Or. 1328, f. ^gb) U Jj Datarmt, 
the other Gottingen MS. Dtriyd,^* the corresponding Ethiopic 
version^ DtySmd, i.e. U^iJ for UyJ- MSS. H. and S. of the 
Acts have somewhat differently UJ and Le^JJ- Now apart from 
these variants, it would not be difficult to read l.c Jj and, regarding 
the initial consonant as the Greek article, to see here a mere 
transcript of to *e/if/<o(*). It is however to be observed that none 
of the Arabic scribes have so read it, although the form (Da)barmS 
might, it is true, be held to represent {Da)/armd. 

But the main difficulty in accepting such an equation between 
the Arabic and Greek forms lies in the one and only Coptic passage, 
so far as I know, wherein the place is named. The Berlin fragment 
(v. above, p. 132) gives the b^inning of Miracle 3 (Malchus) thus : 

[ ]aiom[ . . . .jpcuue m[ . . . ] . o'AAH[r^' eJ-rnoAic 

T&BApUA^ eAt| . . Aq eKToq eepAi eneqiue • nexAq 
MTeqc^iue xeituoTiJ UApuu e^oTM enuAprrpioH 

" These additional miracles, were the; not so common pUce, m[ght recall Ule 
colkctioD said to b«ve been made bjr Chiistodonis (D. pp. ji, 83). But v. also 
D., p. 79 note. 

" Synaxairt Jatebile Arabe, in Patrol. Orietit., T. J, p. 33O. 

" In Corp. Scr. Cir. Or., p. II7. 

" Heace WiJSTKSFKLD's ' Darijs.' (Was he thinking of Ijjlj, S. o 
Damaicus?) Frof. Pibtschmakn has kindly collated these MSS. 

" According to Brit. Mus. Or. 660, f. 7*5 and 667, f. 80a and MS. d'AbbaDIE 
no. M, f. 77fl, kindly examined by the Ahhi Tisjerant. 

"' C/. Paris, 132', 43, tnerpA eTOTMO-AAHT epoC, and probably 
<J'A.\HTT, JHsfis, 346. 

" Ap slightly doubtful. Kindly eismined by Ptof. Stkrx. My copy was 
made years ago, before the present problem had been raised. 



dwelling in the city Tatharma and (about to ?) return to his own 
land. He said unto his wife. Arise, lei us go in to the martyrium of 
the saints, that I may deliver thee into their hands &c. ' To this 
the Arabic parallel (Or. 4723, f. 16/) is ._^- ji |_^ UjJ ^ JL 
Jl ^1 jy . ' There was in D, a stranger, who desired &c,' In the 
Greek (D. p. 93) it is after Malchus and bis wife have decided to 
apply to the saints that they go to Phtreman. But although the 
position in the context is thus not identical, it cannot be doubtful 
that both versions point to the same place.- 

It is hardly imaginable that the Copt should by Tatharma intend 
to transcribe any Greek form resembling to ^rptfiav. But still less 
probable is it that by Tatharma he would designate the town iamiliar 
among his own countrymen as Peremoun or Peiusium ; for it he 
would surely have used one or other of these names. 

What, then, did he and his Arabic-writing follower intend by 
Tatharma, Datarmaf The word has anything but an Egyptian 
appearance ; rather its form recalls many localities in Syria. The 
Arabic Acts {v. above) connect the place with 'Arabia.' Is there 
any place so or similarly named in the 'Arabian' deserts, £. and 
S.E. of Palestine? I have sought it in vain.** The only name 
which seems within the bounds of possibility is Tadmor (Palmyra). 
Recalling the form Oaia/iopa, used at any rate by Josephus,'* and 
assuming a quite conceivable metathesis on the part of the Coptic 
scribe, the two names appear not unlike. The situation too of 
Palmyra would suit well with the 'Arabian land,' whence the saints 
came. One might even — allowing again for the fusion here which 
Deubner has noted (pp. 69 n., 77 n.) of the ' Asiatic ' and ' Arabian ' 
legends — see a connection between the voo* (or toVo») 'Af/naroS 
(D. pp. 218, 219) and the name 'Aipiarovro\it, given to Palmyra 
after Hadrian's visit, in 129.*' 

" I have searched M. HartmaNN'S lists, Z. Dattieh. Pal. Ver. uiii, 131, 
and Eli Smith's in E. Robinson's Xestarches. 

" DiNDOar, viii, VI, 1, 1 cannot find this form elsewhere. Asssmani's 
Tkodmera, B.O. Hi, II, p. xiv, is not justified. On the usual form of the nuoe 
(f. LaoaRDB, Bildang dir Nomina 125, RbckehdOrF, ZDMG. iX\\, 40Z. The 
confusion Sit/iop— etp/wfl in 2 Chr. viii, 4, I Kings ix, iS might support mj 
assumption. Unfortunately neither passage is eitant in Coptic. 

" MAkQUARDT u. MoMMSKN, Handbuih iv, I', \\\, Lk QujKn li, 845. But 
Hadrianopolis is a frequent name; see e.g., Rausav's Gtegr. if Asia Mimr, 




But there are two strong objections to this solution of the 
problem : (i) Fhereman could never be accepted as a phonetic 
equivalent, however degenerate, for Palmyra ; (i) we have no authority 
for connecting Cosmas and Damianus with Palmyra, either in life or 
after death. 

'Arabia' too, it must be owned, might be, not the Asiatic 
country, but the district in the Eastern Delta.** Nor does the 
additional description of the locaUty in the Arabic Acts, 'the 
castle built in the name of the Son of God,' or 'the pillar 
whereon is the picture of the Lord Christ,' offer any help. It 
may be taken for granted that the words embody a reminiscence 
of a real place — perhaps some Kal'at 'Is& — but I have found 
no such name in the modern lists, maps, or the mediaeval 

Phtreman has been sought not in Egypt only (p. D. p. 65 n.). 
In modern times a bishop of Amida (Diarbekr) is quoted,*^ who 
maintained that it was a town, now destroyed, two days' journey from 
his city, and that the relics of our saints had been deposited there 
at the time of the tirst Turkish invasions (? i ith century). Might 
this tradition be connected with the ancient claim of Cyrrhus, or its 
district ») Kv/)^(ttj(7, to possess the bodies^? It may be noted 
that the Greek MS. of the Miracles newly acquired (from Egypt) 
by the British Museum places Phertman itself in that province : 
^tpt/i/ia idv KupEffTntwi-.** Possibly this however is merely a 
superficial confusion, due to the scribe. 

It is significant that the Melkite Synaxarium (Bodleian Marsh. 
445, rst of Tishrin ii), which gives the 'Asiatic' story, accepts 
^fpf/iair as Faramd Lt j. 

Finally, I may mention here a short version of the 'Arabian' 
legend given in the Arabic MS., Brit, Mus. Or. 5019, fol. 5ga, 
This beautiful parchment volume is dated AH. 562 = AD. 1172. 
MS. Add. 36117, which is but a part of it, was brought by 

^ V. AH^LINEAO, G/egr. 483, Brit Mus., Caial. a/ Cofl. MSS. p. I47. 

^^ From a worlc by Rudneff (1S65), cited in Russian Faleitint ix., vol. iv, 
pt. 2, p. 141 (kindly Iranslaled by Mr. C. Faminsky). 

" D. pp. 51, Si. M. Delehave, I see, accepts Cynhus as the burial place. 
Anal. BbU. iivii, 325. 

" I owe this to Mr. R, Flower, who is entrusted with the e 
the MS. 

13s « 



TiscHENDORF froin Sinai.** Its text will therefore be independent 
of Egyptian tradition *' : — 

Lysias Liwjl) the representative ^i^Ac^ of Diocletian and Mai- 
imian, is wily of the city Af-^uwdnf {in) the mountain of Samaria,'' 
ji_.LJ\ Jj^ uJ.ljJl iijiX*) and holds his court on the asth of 
Tishrin the Second," in the temple of Hadrian (_jwyU .JjI J<.ii>. 
The saints give their city as Al-Bathaniyah ajJujJI \^ JUj UJuuXt- 
They are martyred at Af-Suivdnf, on the ajth of Tishrin the 
T"irst (sic). 

No such town as A^-Suw&rif is to be found. We should, in 
this context, look for it in Aegae of Cilicia, but the text places it in 
Samaria^. In Baihaniyah, on the other hand, we should see the 
small town SSE. of the Hauriln,'' unless indeed the district of that 
name, and not a town, is meant. The names in this text appear 
therefore to point to ignorant confusion, based perhaps upon some 
Falestinean form of the legend. A^-^uw&rif itself may be a mere 
imaginary name, ' The City of Vicissitudes,' 

I am aware of having, in all this, contributed little towards a 
solution of the geographical problems involved— of having indeed 
but added an element to the confusion. Let us hope that other 
sources, perhaps further Coptic fragments, may prove of greater 

" So Mr. A. G. Ellis infomis me. V. Brit. Mas. Catai. Codd. Oriad. 
1871. p. 675. 

^ The paginatioD, in Coptic numerals, was added later, says the scribe's note, 
fol. \a. 

" The MS. is sparsely poioted ; this word is written B)'^, which mvst be 

»» = November. On this date, v. Dbubhbb, p. 80, nt/m. 

" I had thoi^ht of readiDg Jjl^, for Sumerei, SW. of Diarbekr, But this 
appears to be a Turkish word, presumably spelt otherwise. Might ^^y be a 
corruption of i^jW Aegae (f. above)? Graphically the words are not tutUke. 

" y. Lb Stkangk, Paknint under the Meskms, 34, NOLDBKK in ZDMG. 



Bv THE Rev. C. H. W. Johns. 

{fiontintud from page 115.) 

Transcription — continued. 
No. 2. Obv. 

Si? sn I *r js -ET t- 

S8 gn r &n -4 !- « 

s8 on I -+ -*r * 'T 

Jr m ESS I~ -+ ■S' < 

Two badly preserred seat impmsions. 

-« I? an <T*:^^^ 
■ o, er- 



r ET -f T <H ■ft-4 tn^ an 

Tf -^T -V -H -+ =^ ^ TJ -^T 

- ^T <Ttf= m m 

n- -tM -gJJ EI -^ ~V 

]v,<t Si 4"f- 1? I V <r- * 

aig3< Err <t--»g 
<i- r 'V^ 'W * 
30. rr r n < sr -rri m. 
<r-r-i*T(i» r?rn<T-iri8 
<r-r-fn<iBi n r? i 
r?r«rr<T* -+ <w i 
<r- 1 -H' <» r? n ■« I ar 
EDO.. 35. <r- r -V - ^ 
<r- r "V isrr 

<r- r -=H + -+ 
L.n.HA™ >— ( r cr■^ 'r mmm<h ■* -v 2h 
edci <r- r -ch « h'< rj ^r^aic¥S<nT 
r? KT BT <ra^- 


Kunuk Abu-sa-la-me 

mir Ha-am-bu-su 
Kunuk Ra)]i-me-Sarri 

Kunuk (ilu)Ba-ni-tu-i- 

J. mlrt Nu-na-flme- 

napbar III ain£I6 an-nu-u-{te) 

Si (alu)Da-ri 

beie , , , . la-lal tada-ni 

5i-i nu 



. na(?) . 




tu-a-m di-(e-nu) 

dabibu li §u man-(nu)' 

£i ina ur-kiS-Si i 
I. iparrilc-u-nu X ma-na kaspi inisi 

I ma-na {jur^i sak-ru 

a-na ASflr idd-an gab-bu a-na 

X-MES-te a-na beigSu uta-ra 

ina 14 di-ni-Sii 
. idabub-ma ]& ilekkt 

Ha-sat'Sa-' apil Sa-Si-i 

(alu)Ka-nu-' a-a 

aiku-u Si lim-mu (?) 

pin Zi-zi-i 
30. apil A-u-id-ri 

fdn Gad-ia a apil A^i 

pin (ilu)A-u-lu-a-a 
apil Kui-di-I£tar 

pSn Bul-fi-a-a mSr Rid 

Edge. 35. pin ASur-nidin-atii 
p4n ASur-erba 
p&n Ka-bar-ili 
Left-hand ar^u Aiaru um .... lim-mu A£ur-rim-(ftni) 

Edge. pin Ka-bat-ti apil La kaspu (?) 

a-ba da- ? 


Seal of Abu-salamu 

son of Hambusu 
Seat of Rahime-iarru 
Sealof Banitu-i- . . . 



5. sons of Nuna-^ml (?) 
Iff all these 3 persons 
owners of sa-lal sold 

■ -ga<?) 

. Mariuk 
. . -ufur 

ts sold {and) taken 

return lawsuit 

discussion shall not be, whosoever 

that in future on any account 
. shall repudiate shall pay ten minas of pure silver 

one mina of precious gold 

to Ashur ; all to 

tenfold to its owners they shall return. 

In his non-suit 
, he may plead but shall not gain. 

Hasatsa' son of SaH 

the Kanu'-ite 

deputy who {was Eponym ?) 

In presence of Zizi 
30, son of Au-idri 

In presence of Gadta eon of Alir{uf) 
In presence of Au-lHai 
son of KurdilStar 

In presence of Bulliai son of Rid {?).... 
Edge. 35. In presence of A iur-n&din-a^i 
In presence of Aiur-erba 
In presence of Kabar-ili 
Left-hand Month lyyar, day {?), Eponymy of Ahir-rtmdni 

Edge, In presence of Kabatti son of La silver 

a-ba da- 

Although so broken, the permansive t&rpat in 1. 16 shovs that 
something feminine was sold, and comparison with the texts quoted 
by Dr. Schiffer makes it probable that a female slave was the 



object of the purchase. The formula of the sale is the same as itv 
Dr. Schiffer's group. In 1. 27 we see that I^asatsa' was an 
inhabitant of Canneh. This is usually the place for the date ; it 15^^ 
quite likely that the people of Canneh dated by their own ruler,. 
Hasatsa' was an ari^, or deputy. But the scribe adds the Assyrian 
date OD the edge. Among the witnesses Gadia, AuIQai, A£ur-nidin- 
afei, ASur-erba, and Kabar-ili also occur in Dr. Schiffer's texts. 
Falfi-ai is very closely connected as a name with Paljl, may even 
denote the same person. The Eponym Aiur-rtmini dates several of 
Dr. Schiffer's lists. We can hardly doubt that no. 2 belongs tO' 
the Berlin group. 

There are many points which call for a more extended discussion 
than I have been able to give now, but it seemed desirable to put on 
record this additional material as soon as possible, in the hope that 
others may find time to work out the problems raised. 



Bv Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D. 

On an isolated hill of sandstone, on the east bank of the Nil^ 
opposite Kilti island, and south of the village of Maghalsa, which is 
itself five miles south of El-Kab, are the remains of a quarry. Above 
the quarry, on the top of the hill, impressions of feet have been cut 
in the rock, accompanied in severa] cases by half-obliterated graffiti 
of the early Coptic period. The feet indicate that the rock has 
been a place of pilgrimage, and that a Christian shrine once stood 
there — the predecessor of a Sh^kh's tomb, which now exists at the 
foot of the hill. In the plain on the other (E.) side of the hill are 
a number of lai^e calms of stone, marking Ababda graves, which, 
judging from those near EI-Kab, would be of the fifth or sixth 

Among the records of the pilgrims, and partially injured by one 
of them, is an inscription which tells us approximately when the 
quarry was opened. If my restoration of the lost portion of the 
inscription is correct, it would have been in the eleventh year of 
Hadrian, or shortly afterwards. The inscription, of which I give a 
facsimile, I would read as follows : — 

A^SAOYCBW cocor a^g^ 
CTp^Tiugj: :. Hc L nm^m 

Avovejiv : LiaAapiAnoy 


(I) «[.?]«.„ K[.?]«TC, (2) ,„,.„i[T],, Lr[iii 

5«] {3) itM /i£'T[fl]\\n tiraiyw 0o^ {4) /iorfl[(] . . Lia Aipwvov 

" I M{o ?)dus C(n ?)osos . . a soldier of the 2nd legion [com]ii« 
[here] am looking for quarry-stone, the . . th day of Pharmuthi, the 
nth year of Hadrian the lord." 



One of the Coptic grafGti 


contains the name of Adam : " Adam, the son of Ps . . n [comes P] 
down [here]." Another, 


attached to the drawing of a shoe of peculiar shape, seems to be a 
curious mixture of Latin and Greek. At all events, the first word 
appears to be intended for "vixit," while the name was probably 
In another, 




instead of a shoe or foot, the picture of a candlestick (?) has been 
attached to the name of Aurelius Zennas. On another part of the 
rock a Roman soldier has been diawn. 

A day or two before visiting the Maghalsa quarry I was at 
HoshSn (opposite Silwa), on the west bank of the river. Here I 
re-copied the inscriptions in the northern quarry, which have been 
published by Prof, Flinders Petrie in his Season in Egypt, Nos. 
570-579, and found that the three longer ones, 570, 571, and 57a, 
need correcting. No. 570 consists of three lines only 1 — (i) Lio 

Amumivo^ p,taoprj (l) o NiXst eiaijKOfv 6« (3) ^ov o/ifiov /leaapif K<r, 

" The I ith year of Antoninus (Pius), month MesorS, the Nile entered 
the basin on the a6th of Mesor^." The three additional lines, given 
in Prof. Petrie's book, have nothing to do with the inscription, 
the first two being later graffiti, and the third belonging to No. 571. 



This latter (No. 571) should be: (i) ^w ayneu, (2) Lm A>t»- 

vifoi tKO^Iraittv (3) Tom ficyaXout \iOovi (4) s-^X"" '« *" ^"^ 
)ri/A.?fc (g) TOU leu/HOii Ai™X,Xni[i'o»] (6) [eni] Tijif m/»at [A^tops],. 

"For luck! The nth year of Antoninus we cut the lai^e stones 
of 1 1 cubits for the gate of the lord Apollo and the lady (Latona) '" 
at Edfu. 

No. 572, which, instead of being incised lilce the other inscrip- 
tions, is painted in red letters, reads: (i) la L Ai'Tiu[i'fi'e]ii maiaapor 
(l) «iff7Xfl[e»']eis TOU op/iov T^t (3) \a-ra![jiitt]i ^e/iij4 {"') ?a kq (4) la 
To[ui ap']xatooi [/ijuni], "The iith year of Antoninus Cssar, it 
entered the basin of the quarry, the 26th of Mesor€, according to 
the old [calendar]." 

The opfiot, or " basin," was the quarry itself, which has the form 
of a passage running into the chff. From another inscription we 
leam that Apollonius, the son of Petesos, was the " chief engineer." 

In the same quarry there is a graffito in Latin characters: 

I examined the rocks north of the quarries a^ far as the village of 
El-Reqiqiya, but found only three hieroglyphic and one hieratic 




Bv R, Campbell Thompson, M.A. 

{Continued from p. 6g.) 

Transuteration — continued. 
K. 3473. Obverse. 


2. gir-giS-Sum bu-'-3a-nu 

3. rigma iSakkanu(nu) e-sa-du i-zu-bu ri- 

4. uz-zar-ri-bu idliP* kaJ-Iu-mi uz-zar-ri-bu . . . 

5. nian-nu lu-uS-pui ana marat ■'"A-nini Sa Satn6(e) liS-Sa-a .... 

6. akarpfttiP'-Si-na £a ''""ukn! ib-bi li-ib-ba-a-ni mfip' a- 

{f- 3-) 

7. mfif^ ""Idikiat mfii*' -^Puratti .... 

S. Sa ur-ni-uS-ti la u-Si-ir-ru u mu-suk-ka-[ni] . , . 
9. li-bi-la-nim-ma li-ri-ka-ni ki-is-sa-tum . . . 

10. Sa-aS-Sa-tu ;t-en-ni-tum fi-rip-tum ip ki na sa . . . 

11. pi-a>Su bi-'-a-ia u bu-'-Sa-nu kima idliP" Sa I ™'' t - 

12. a-na a^-ra-a-tim ki-is-sa-tum i-ia .... 

13. la i-ta-ai ana pulini apil pulini Siptu ul ia-ut-tu niSQ Sipat 


14. Sipat •'"Ba'u u ■'"Gu-la Sipat ''"Nin-a-ba-kud-du bfil SiptiSu-nu 

[id-du-ma ana-ku aSSi TU EN] 

1 5. [Sipta] an-ni-ta a-na ku-ta-ri u rimki Sa SA . GAL 

16. [Kikittu-Su] iSid balti iSid aSagi Sa eli kimabtli kus(?)>sat 

Sarani (?) tibi (?)... . 

17 inul-lap-pita-lap-papinakabll-iukiQ-si-Suu[ki-sal-li-iu 

tarakas . . . .] 




18 SA GI gU u a 


ao. .... [Sarat] Italbi Sarat neSi tetimmi III ''""AN.SE.TIR 
taSakak(ak)[ina taralcassuma ibatuf] 

K. 2473. Reverse. 

(/?. 4.) 

I. [Siptu] Su-u^-ra-am Su-ut)-ra-ain : ta-an-[bi-tum mu-ut-ta-an- 

a. NU.UP.TUR.TUR.RI: ""SamSu [bSl napiSd LA 5l. 




E.TE.[MA.AH E.BI.TU TIL.La".GE . . . .] 


6. Kikittu-Su SIG . RID ""pubatti SIG . RID utli zumbi bu- 

t}a-lim . . . [telikki] 

7. DUR tetimmi S«»»»TAR.HU ii«»"ugl.§I !£™™[gl. MAN 


8. VII kasir takasar £ipti VII^u ana eli tamannu(nu)-ma kabli- 

Su utli-[Su u ki-sal-li-Sii tarakas] 

9. Siptu a-ra-al)-l]i ra ma-ni : a-ra-al}-[l}u pag-ri kima] 

10. kalbu kalbata Sajju fialjita Ut-tab-ku ina sSri-iu : kima ^[naitabi 

ir-si-tu ir-bu-u] 

11. ir-si-ti im-bu-ni ziri-5u : ir-fei ra-ma-ni in {?)■ .... 


13. Kikitiu-£u VII t)i-ii-si Sa k"en telikki{ki) [eSteniS iSidsunu iiati 


14. ina ^pat nabasi taSakak(ak) VII kasir takasar Sipti VIl-Su 

tamannu[ma tarakassuma ibatut] 

15. Siptu 5u-u Sum-lu maS-ka-du ki-nu-us-su : iS-tu kakkabi 

[p'5a-ma-mi ur-da] 

16. [isbat] £a kal sJm-ma-tu kal pag-ri-5u : i|-bat giS-Sa kin-[sa 


1 7. [kablu ra]-pa-a£-tu u Sa-Sal-la : "" Maiduk Sa na-'-u-[du u mudOt] 




18. [kali idiSununa Sipti] Sa Su-si-i kali kima ur-ru mu-Su i-zu-zu 
U-[zu-za mursi 3a zumri-Su EN] 

K. 2453 + 81-2-4, 194- 
(JV. s-} CoL I. 

(r) . . . . (2) "t™" (3) ■ ■ ■ pubadi u »»ipubatti 

(4) . . . . p^-glJ.MAN '^"""'kur-ka-nain . . . 

(5) KI.A "-Niri UH ""Nari 

(6) puhadi tal-pap Siplu III-Su taniannu(nu) 

(7) nini ir-ba-an (8) . . . . GI . 5a . SUR taSakan(an) 

(9) . . . . OI.§A.SURtaSakan{an) (10) . . . . tu-kap-par 
(11) /Sinaab {12) . . . [""JZu-ukSiSa nab (13) liWuf 

(14) a ds) 

(Col. II.) 

(i) . . . . t)ar-bi (2) . . . , ina kabli-Su kin-ji-Su 

(3) . . . . sibli RAT ina 3amni tapa£as-su 

{!>/. 6.) 

(4) .... -a kakkabu zi-ia-ium (5) . . . . ia ka riS-ti (or KA SAK 

TI) ina ditto ri-in-ti 
(6) . . . . ra ba la ba tu-um-ma-tja (7) . . . . kakkabu d-ia-rum 

(9) telikki-Su-ma diS-Si-niS 

(10) i^pa-li-nn ti&ri (11) .... VII-Su ana muk-kal-pi-ti 

<I2) . . . . 5a ana ka<?)-ku(?)-baii-nu ta5akan(an) 

(13) .... ana arki-ka ta-na-suk (14) iSatti-Su-ma ibalu( 

(15) . . . . gi pa ta u a na an ku par ri 

(16) ri an ta na an ku par ri 


^~liiY. . . •'™"An7sE . TIR (19) tarakas-su 

(20) . . . -ma-. . . . (21) ruruu {21) . . . . 

(About four lines wanting^ 

(/v. 7.) 

(28) . . . a ra . . . . (28) u . . . . (29) . . . . ia . . pi . . . . 

j3o) . . . ta-bu-u is ... . (31) .... ^^na §ur-£i-£a .... 



(33) .... ra-as ana lib £aiiini tanadi(di) Siptu an-ni-[tu] .... 

(33) DUR Sarta s^ta Sarta pi^ta tetimmi 

(34) Sipta tamaiinu(nu) ina Sit utli-Su kin-^-^ n 

(35) talEa.sar(ar i*) ktSti(?) ana ''"SamSi u "" Gu-la taSakan(an) Sanmi 

l}ar-tu tapaSaS ana pani(?)utli . . ibalut 

36. Siptu £u-ul}-ra-aiii Su-ul)-ra-[am ta-an-bij-tum mu-ut-ta-an- 

{PI. 8.) 

37. NU.UP.TUR.TUR.RI*'"5ainSu bfil napiSti LA gl.NA. 

AH :2AG.GAR.RA gl.NA.AQ . . GA 




40. KiltiRu-Su SIG. RID pufcadi u "Jpuljatti iarat zibbat bn-fea-S 

u £arat "'uniki . . . 

41. telikkl(ki) DUR tetimmi ^"""'TAR . HU »™"'gl . gl 

'™»'' §1 . MAN tal-pap VII kafir takasar . . 

42. Siptu VII-Su ana eli tamannu(nu) ina kabli utli u ki-sal-li 

tarakasi^^gl.Sl .... 

43. ina Samni tapa£as-su '•™°''kur-ka-nam »«™n""fil . MAN ta^aSal 

ina iSat "S^eri tufal)ar(?)-ma [ibalut] 

44. Siptu KU UT TE MA HA TE MA HA NA gi LA TE 

E gA MUL ZI E gA ." 

45. [TE] E gA NI GA ZI lA Si MA HI MA : lA KU 


46. . . RA BI IL UD MAg KU . . . 


48. ... amelu la* sa-gal-lu-Su ana n&ri telikki(ki)-Su-iiia i-4ia 

Sar-ti .... 

49. ... GAR (?) . NA buraSi ta£akan(an) ina mep> karpU 

GAR . TA . RIN . TUR . RA , RA telikki (ki) 
50 nari . . £ar-ti ta-bap(?)-pu-uanaSar-ru(?)-5u .... 

* Probably (o be read initMd otda. 



K. 1473. Obverse. 

2. The girgiSSu * {^ave forth ?] an evil savour 

They raised a cry (anS) left the pillow^ 

They oppressed, grown men (and) children (?) ^ they oppressed, 

[until such and such a god spake\ 

" Whom shall I send unto the daughter of Anu who heaven 

" and their cups of shining crystal may hold water 


iPi- 30 

" water from the Tigris, (and) water from the Euphrates . . . . 
" which groweth no crops or [watereth] palmtrees ... ffe 

" shall bring (it) to us and shall delay for us the wrath? 

"thi! ulcer, the . . ., the . . ., 

"Its stench"* . . .(f), and an evil smell as of men 


^' To a later time th£ anger is deferred (f) 

"// will not return unto N., son of N" The incantation is 
not invented of mankind, it is the incantation of \_Ea and 
Marduh^"]. It is the incantation of Ba'u and Gula, the 
incantation of I'Jin-a^a-iuddu, the lord of incantation ; it is 
they [who have performed, and it is I who have adopted. 

Perform the incantation.'] 

' Girgiliu it known from BhJJnnow, Lit/, No. 4636, where it is ihe 
AnjiiaD equivalent for an ideogram with the iletenninalive for wood. The ume 

ideogian is tnui$la.ted ityalu, anolhet wood. There it a Syria.c word fflwyjV 
arbutus unedi, which is comparable, but the whole sense of Ihe cuaeifbrm passage 
ii doubtful. Philolo^cally, the Sfriac n'iiA^i:^ gleba is nearer. 
* Etadu, Syriac tf%Mtt ■ 

' Kallumi (? Saturai), veiy doubtful. 

' KiffaiuBt from iarofu. See also 1. 12. 

' JH-a-tu ; posMbly the nominative is pi-u, connected with Arab, ^i, " to 
eihale (a perfume}," and ^ J " the exhalation of an odoni." 

" MvHRHAN {ZA., XVI, tranBlaling IV.A.I., IV, 56; II, 20, iiflu ut u-Itt 

tduipat "'Ea "'Marduk, etc., from which I have restored t his line) compares 

W.A.L, IV, 29, 4, C. 4, Ml ia-al-lu tdlu, K. 2573 ul t-at-lu nitu, and KING, 

ifiytt-. No. 61, zo. He translates " Nichl itttAl das FaUt (?) die Beschworung." 




15. [Tinu shalt per/orni] this incantation for the fumigaiien 
and washing of the sn-olUn joint 

16. [Ritual for this\ .—[Taie] the roots of the <aper, the roofs of a 
thorn-bush which on a grave hath been cut outQ) sweet i^) 

(«"/(?) /lo/l (it) up in a hand {and} [hind it] on /us 

Miy, his shins (?), and [his hips\y^ 

iq. Prayer for the \swolien'\ joint. 

20, [Ritual for this\ : — Spin together a hair from a dog and a hair 
from a lion {and) thread^* three cornelians (thereon), [bindit 
on, and he shall recover]. 

{PI. 4.) 

K. 2473. Reverse. 
[Incantation'] : — Turn away, turn away / •* 

5. Prayer for the [swollen joint]. 

Ritual for this: — Take hair from a female lamb {and) hair from 
the rump of a male (goat) . . . ., spin a thread (?) (thereof, and 
inter)twine the plants tarhii, SiSi (and) Siman ; tie seven knots 
(therein), repeat the incantation sn<en times over it (and) \btnd 
ii\ on his belly, his loins [and his hips]. 

Incantation :— I cherish thee, myself, I cherish thee, [my body, 
as] the dog the bitch, as the hog the sow ; may it be poured forth 
in its desert ; as [the shaduf ckerisheth the earth], the earth 
receivtth its seed, it cherisheth myself 1* 

. Prayer for the [swollen] joint. 

" KUallu - HeU h'O^ . 

" UD.DU=*a*i:(™=ArBb. .^"pierce, transfix" [.Muss-Amell,^\a^ 

'^ The remainder is unmtelUgible 10 me. The texlis repeated on PL 7, Ljfiff. 

" A ditficull text, repealed on PI. 10, II. 26 IT., and amplified in Malla 
(TabletVII, 1. a3ff.). WTiether ora^J.-and )>*.- are to be translated "cherisii" 
or "water "is difficult to say, and inateri.tu may be "on its back," 



13. Rititalfer this: — Take seven cutlings'^^ of tamarisk, [ehartheir 
lower ends in fire logether^,^^ thread them on a scarlet thread, 
tie (therein) seven knots, repeat the ^incantation seven times, 
[bind (it) on him and he will recover.] 

15. Incantation .- — This is its name— maihtda is its appellation^'' ; 
[it hath come down] from the stars \of heaven ; it hath seized] 
with every (J) poison his whole body ; it hath seized neck (J), 
shins (?), [hips], broad [belly] and shoulders. Marduk, who is 
^orious [and wise, knoweth it all, too, and may the incanta- 
tion] which divideth ail results (7) as between day and night, 
[divide also between the sickness and his body. Incantation] '* 

Plates 5 and 6 contain the mutilated ends of lines which do not 
help much beyond giving some useful repetition of groups. 

K. 3453. Col. II, continued, I. 31. 
[Fl. 7.) 

32 thou shall put into the oil. [jRepeat] this incan- 
tation spin a thread Q) of dark and white threads 

{or hairs) repeat the incantation ; bind it on his loins, 

his shins (?) and his hips ; present a gift ^^ to Samai and Gula ; 
with oil Q) of . . . rub , . . and he shall recover. 
36. Incantation : — Turn away, turn away ^ 

39- Prayer for the swollen joint. 

'* ^irtHif. il$o PI. II, 1. 30), from hardfii, "10 cuE inlo." 

" Foi this raCoralion see PI. II, 1. 30. Tutabiai is liom kabdba, Aram. 

333 Pa. "to Toasl," probably Ihe same root from which iaiiatii, "a slar," 

cornea. .See Myrrman, ZA., XVI, 15S) II, I. 4. 

" JCinussK »" iinulsu, tirtulii probably being connected with (he Syliac 

•J-Mk and itfUAA. The passage is duplicated on PL 11, 1. 37. Maikadu 
has been known as a form of disease. 
■* This is repeated on PI. 11, 11. 37 ff. 



40. Ritual for this: — Take the hair of a male and female lamb, 
the hair from the tail of a male {goat), and the hair tf a 
[ot'*jj'«] kid, spin a thread (?) {thereof and iiiter)tmne tit 
plants tartju, 5i£i {and) Siman, tie seven knots {therein), repeal 
the incantation seven times over it, (and) bind it on belfy, 
loins, and hifis ; 'iiii-plani . . . .; with oil an^nt him, irqyt^ 
saffron {and) %\maxi-planl, in a fire of tamarisk reduce {them 
to ashes) and {he shall recoi-er^. 

44, Incantation : — " 

47. Prayer for the swollen joint. 

48. . . , take the man whom the swollen joint affection hath seixed 

to the " river," and with the hair (?) Put cfprtss 

take water in a '' gaitarinturrara (y)-cup 

" Uninlelligible to me. 
• {To be continued.) 





By W. L. Nash, F.S.A. 

Plate I. 

{When He dimtniicHi are given, the illuitratum is Ike full iite of tht ctiject.) 

13. A fragment of a faience plaque with a brilliant light-blue 
glaze, of Queen Hatshepsut. It is interesting as having on one side 
thequeen'spre-nomen with the iemiame ti^e" Beautiful goddess. Lady 
of the two lands," and on the other her throne-name with masculine 
title " Son of the Sun of kis body." Length 2^ inches. From 
Wr el Bahari. In Dr. Colin CamfbelPs Collection. 

14, Doll (?), consisting of a plate of ivory, the upper end notched 
to represent the hair. The junction of the head and body roughly 
defined by a notch on each side. The surface is divided into four 
parts by three bands, each composed of two lines. In each of the 
two middle divisions is a circle with a dot in the centre, meant to 
indicate the face and the pudenda. On the lowest band are two 
holes. This object appears to be one of the class described by 
Mr. C. L, WooLLEV in bis article on "Coptic bone figures" 
{Proceedings, Vol XXIX, p. ai8), but is of a more degraded type 
than any shown by him. From the Fayoum (?). 

In Mr. L. S. Loatis Collection. 

ij. Part of a sistrum handle with the throne-name of Antharyuash, 
Darius. More probably Darius the first than the second. Dark 
green faience. In the Author's Collection. 

16. A Dad amulet, of dark blue glass. On the reverse is the 
cartouche of Neb Maat Ra, Amenhetep III, and "Seten hemt 
[Thyii]." From Hadj KandiL In the Author's Collection. 



Plate II. 

17. A fragment of hard white limestone engraved with the 
cartouche of Neb-hepet-Ra, Mentuheiep II, "beloved 0/ Halkor." 
A part of the figure of the king standing on a sledge is on the left. 
From the kill's temple at Der el Bahari. Length 3 inches. 

In Dr. Colin CampbeWs Collection. 

18. A large bead, of Amenhetep III, "beloved of the Circle ef 
the gods in Hebyi" Green glazed faience, with the hieroglyphs in 
dark purple paste. Hebyt was a town in the Delia, now called 
Behbit el hagar. In the Author's Collection. 

19. A tile, measuring 3 inches X \\ inch, inlaid in yellow glaze 
with the pre-nomen of Seti II. On the reverse side are the di sign 
and a seated figure, probably a deity, but the edge of the tile is 
broken away. From Toura, in the Delta. 

In the Authors Collection. 

20. A blue glazed faience figure of the goddess Melji, cow-headed 
and wearing a long wig. The lower part of the object is fashioned 
as a staff, with a forked end. Mehi was a goddess of the Amenti, 
probably a form of Hathor. In the Author's Collection. 


S.B.A. Prcrcedings, Mar, 1908, 



S.B.A. Preendings, May, 1908. 

:v Google 






The present Paper attempts to show that several independent 
lines of evidence unite in pointing to the identity of the great Hyksos 
with the kings of the Twelfth dynasty. The identification is 
supported by : — 

(a) The dates on the monuments. 

(^) The known lists of kings. 

(f) The general evidence of the monuments. 

(d) The features of the statues. 

it) The similarity of the facts recorded of the two dynasties. 

(fl) The 7th year of Usertesen HI was dated, according to papyri 
from Kahun, by a heliacal rising of Sirius on the i6th day of the 
4th month of winter, while the 33rd year of Tahutmes III is dated 
by a rising on the aSth Epiphi. Since a sidereal year contains 
365'i56374 days and the old Egyptian year 365, the above dates 
would be 398 (or loa -;- 0"i56374) years apart, and the interval 
between the end of the Twelfth and the beginning of the Eighteenth 
dynasty would be about aoo years. The Twelfth dynasty thus falls 
in the Hyksos period, which according to Josephus and Julius 
Africanus lasted for more than 500 years, 

(fi) The second book ' of HERODOTUS agrees with the conclusion 
that the Twelfth was a Hyksos dynasty, for it states that there were 
eighteen foreign kings before Moeris (Amenemhat III), and it may 
be read as stating that Moeris himself was a foreigner. Herodotus 
passes from Moeris to Sesostris and his successor Pheron. The 
name and exploits of Sesostris suggest Zeserkara (Amenhetep I), but 
however this may be, Pheron is identified with Tahutmes, the 

' n 100 </ iwf. 



obelisks, 100 cubits high, erected by Tahutmes III, being &r lai^ 
than any others known. If the Hyksos had reigned in the interval 
between Moeris {Amenemhat III) and Pheron (Tahutmes), it is 
strange that they should have been passed over by Herodotus, for 
some of them were powerful and ruled the whole of Egypt, while the 
foreigners who preceded Moeris would be otherwise unknown, 

The list of Abydos follows the same course, and omits all kings 
between the Twelfth and Eighteenth dynasties. 

The list of Saqquara goes further, for besides omitting aU kings 
between these dynasties, it makes a distinction between the Twelfth 
and the other dynasties by writing it in the reverse order. 

The list of Kamak places the Hyksos, Ra-en-user (Khyan or 
Janias), in the Twelfth dynasty. 

The copies of Manetho's lists are too uncertain for much stress 
to be laid upon them, but the version of Julius Africanos supplies 
a reason for the omission from the Ahydos and Saqquara lists of the 
kings who immediately preceded the Eighteenth dynasty : the country 
being divided between Shepherd and Theban kings for a period of 
151 years. 

{c) The genera] evidence of the monuments strongly supports the 
proposed identification, for between the Sixth and Eleventh dynasties 
a great change came over Egypt, the shape of the skulls of the 
mummies,^ the family names, official titles, the writing, the religion, 
and the capital being altered, and the objects belonging to the 
Eleventh dynasty not resembling in the least those of the earlier 
periods.* Mariette considered that these facts proved that the 
country had been under the rule of foreigners.* On the other hand, 
the objects belonging to the Seventeenth dynasty are so similar to 
those of the Eleventh that it is difficult for even the most practised 
eye to distinguish them.' 

(d) The features of the kings of the Twelfth dynasty are so 
markedly un-Egyptian, that the "Hyksos" sphinxes are now attri- 
buted to Amenemhat III.^ The Hyksos statues, as pointed out by 
Prof. GoL^NisCHEFF, resemble Amenemhat III, although one in the 

' F. Lenormant, Manual of the Atta'ent History ^tke East, V. I, p. ali. 

* Mariette, Outlines vf Ancient Egyptian History, trans, by M. Bkodkick, 
pp. tz, t03. 

* Ibid., p. 10. ' Ibid,, p. 108. 

* Dr. E. W. BUDGB, A Hitttry nf Egypt, VoL III, p. 64. 




British Museum is attributed by Dr. Wallis Budge to Khyan/ 
whose name was found on a fellow statue. 

(e) The facts known of the Hyksos are few, but they apply in a 
curious way to the corresponding kings of the Twelfth dynasty. 

The lengths of reign worked out by Prof. Petrik for the kings of 
the Twelfth dynasty are nearly those assigned by JoSEPHUS to the 

Prof. Pbtbie. 







Usertcsen I (including ,, ) 




Amenemhat 11 „ 



36, 7 monlhs. 

UMTteen H 1 




Amenemhat rv / 




Sebekhotep (?) ("after«ll these"; 

f Assis 


In the above, the co-regency of Amenemhat I has been excluded, 
for monuments are dated in the early years of Usertesen I, who 
appears therefore to have taken over the government. Apofis and 
Jaiiias have been taken to correspond with the two consecutive 
Usertesens and Amenemhats respectively, for it seems necessary to 
split up the figures given by Josephus. It is hardly possible that 
four reigns, averaging 48 years a-piece, could be consecutive. 

Salatis lived at Memphis, rendered Upper and Lower Egypt 
tributary, and fortified Avaris. Amenemhat I extended the power 
of Thebes over the whole country, and established a fortress on his 
eastern frontier. ^ 

Bnon is said to mean the "man of On,"* at which city Usertesen I 
founded the original temple. 

Apepa and Usertesen III appear to have built at the same places, 
Gebelen, Tanis, and Bubastis. At the last place Apepa " erected 
many columns and a gate of brass," and Usertesen III rebuilt the 
temple. A monument in the Louvre, read as of Apepa, contains a 
list of 36 conquered Nubian races ;'<> the conquest of Nubia was 
pre-eminently the work of Usertesen III. The name of Apepa 

' Dr. E. W. Budge, J History of Egypt, Vol. HI, p. 161. 
' Ruerds of the Pail, Vol. VI, p. 135. 

' Prof. Sayce, Proc. Sec. Bibl. Anh., 1901, Vol. XXIII, p. 98. 
" Prof. PSTBIB, History ef Egypt, Vol. I, p. 143. 



occurs as that of private persons not uncommonly in or about the 
time of the Thirteenth dynasty, »>., before the period usually assigned 
to Apepa's reign. 

Semitic records relate that the Hyksos Pharaoh Raiyan-ibn-el-walid 
in 1800 B.C. employed Joseph to dig the Bahc Yussuf canal in con- 
nection with Lake Moeris, which is called Wadi Rajyan after this 
king,^' The lake was r^arded as the work of Amenemhat HI, who 
was called Moeris. The date 1800 kc, taken as a round number, 
agrees very well with Borchardt's calculation of 1876-a b.c for the 
7th year of Usertesen III, based on the dates of the heliacal rising of 
Sinus given in the Kahun papyri. The name of Khyan has been 
found on a statue of Twelfth dynasty style and on a cylinder similar 
in general style to those of the Thirteenth dynasty and Sebekhotep." 
Khyan is now generally recognized to be the Hyksos Pharaoh 
Janias.^* He appears also to have been called lan-ra or Raian and 

In conclusion, it should be noticed that the identification of the 
great Hyksos with the kings of the Twelfth dynasty is the natural 
consequence of two views which are widely held, viz., (a) that the 
Twelfth dynasty were descendants of foreigners, to whom the so- 
called Hyksos statues should be attributed ; (/') that there was no 
Hyksos invasion between the Twelfth and Eighteenth Dynasties.'* 

" F. COPB Whitbkousb, Pmt. Sm. Biil. Ar(k., 1S92, Vol. XV, p. 84. 
'* F. L. Griffith, Prec. Set. BUl. AnA., 1897. Vol. XIX, p. 296. 
" Prof. A. H. Savcb, Prat. Sm. Biil. Arch., 1901, Vol. XXIII, p, 95- 
>* Dr. E. W. Bddgb, auiery tf Egypt, VoL III, p. 144. 


" Les Tapisseries d'Antiroe au Mns^ d'0rl6anE,"^ar/»(/« £aill€t. 
This is a snuUl work dealing entirely with those textiles oneaithed 
by M. Gayet at Antinoe, which are now at the Orleans Museum. 
From the year 1896, and onwards, M. Gayst has been at work on a 
cemetery, part Christian, part pagan, which was used as a burial 
ground from a period so remote, according to the excavator, as the 
reign of Hadrian, and continued in use far down into Byzantine 
times. The textiles therefore belong to a very interesting period 
— the period which should date from the final decay of the old 
Egyptian art down to the definite establishment of the sOH:alled 
," Byzantine" influence and spirit Unfortunately, it is extremely 
difficult to place any certain date on these materials, although those 
described by M. Baillet do not seem, any of them, to be as old as 
the a%<e of Hadrian. On the other band, there is a remarkable 
absence of any definite Christian symbolism. M. Baillst has very 
carefully described the texture and patterns of the stuffs illustrated. 
At the same time we find it difficult to agree with him when he 
states that many of these patterns represent an easily traced family 
descent from old ^ypdan motives. It seems to us that the spirit 
is almost entirely non-Egypdan, and rather that of a debased 
Hellenism, although perhaps here and there in the figures of birds 
and animals we may catch a glimpse of the genius of ancient Egypt. 
That the old motives lingered on there can be no doubt, but it is 
difficult to recognize them as easily as M. Baillzt does in the 
baskets, tables, flowers, etc., figured on these textiles. In short, 
whatever may be their date, they are unsatisfactory evidence of a 
steady transition firom pure Egyptian to Hellenistic or Byzantine art. 
In textiles, especially, the gap is a wide one. M. Baillet's contribu- 
tion is nevertheless very welcome, as the study of these stuffs is likely 
to become of considerable importance to a proper understanding of the 
art of this period, and may make it possible to reconcile Strzygowski's 
theories as to the Syrian origin of Byzantine motives with a genuine 
and traceable development of national feeling and spirit. The book 
also contains a catalogue list of terracottas, bronzes, etc., from the 
same sit^ now in the Orleans Museum. 

P. D. S-M. 
159 o 



The next Meeting of the Society will be held on 
Wednesday, June loth, 1908, at 4.30, when the 
following Paper will be read ; — 

ProU A. H. Sayce, D.D. tj'nsideni) : " Notes on Some 
Recent Discoveries in Egypt^ 






rulMBKBS, 6s. 


(Postage, ^.i 





The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates from 

[Shalmaneser II, B.C 859-825.] 

Part V (the final part), with Introduction and descriptive letter-press, 
has now been issued to the Subscribers. 

A few ccHnpIete copies of the book remain unsold and can be 
obtained on application to the Secretary. 


Society of Biblical Archaeology. 

37, Great Russell Street, London, W.C 

COUNCIL, 1908. 

Pbok a. H. Savcb, D.D., 4c 
Viie- Priadtnts. 
TiiK Most Rev, His Gram Thr Lord Archbishop of York. 
Thb RioHT Rbv. thk Lord Bishop op Salisbury. 
Thb Most- Hon. thb Marqubss or Korthampton. 
Thk Right Hon. thb Eabl op Haubury. 
Thb Right Hon. Lord Amhkhst of Hacknrv. 
Wat.trr Morrison. 

The Right Hon. Lord Peckover of Wisbeach. 
F. G. Hilton Price, Uir. S.A. 


The Rioht Hon, Gbnrkal Lord Grekpbll, K.C.B., &e., &c. 
Kbv. J. Marshall, M.A. 
Joseph Pollard. 


Kbv. James Ball, M.A. 

Dr. M. Caster, 

F. Ll. Gbifmth. F.S.A. 

H. R. Hall, M.A. 

Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.LE., 

F.R.S., &c. 
L. W. King, .M.A, 
Rev. Ai.HKXTLnwv, LL,U,,&c. 
Prop, G, Maspbho. 

Claude G^ MosTKrioRK. 
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F. R.S., &c. 

Henoraty 7 "djiirir— Bernard T. Bosanquet. 
i:r/.'«<7— Walter L, Nash, M.R.C.S. KE''g-)-. F.S.A. 

•1,'raiy Sarriarf for Foreign CorrapBndente — F, LbggB. 

ry irZ-'M^ioH -Walter L, Nash. M.R,CS. (Ei^.), F.S.A- 


VOL. XXX. ' Parts. 






Fifth Meeting, June loth, 1908. 


f, Lbcgs.— The Titles of the Thinice Kings {loiitiiiittd). 

{Piatt) 163-177 

S. Lasgdon. — Surru, Shoulder. Asii?-u, Assemble 178-1S1 

Prof. A. H. Savcb, D.D.—TV,e Hitcite Iiiscriptions of 

Emir Ghazi and Aleppo. {J'lait) 1S2-191 

P. D. ') Scott - MoncriefV, .1^.^.— The Rmned Sites at 

Masawwaiat es-Sufra juiil Naga. (5 Plata) 192-203 

W. E. Crum.— A Coptic Ostracon 104,205 

A. F. R. PuiTT, M.B.~'U\a Origin of the Name ol the Lland 

of Elephantioe. {Piatt) 206, 207 


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Pift/t Meeting, June \oth, 1908. 
PROr. A. H. SAYCE, D.D. {Pmidtnt), 


[No. ccxxvi.] 161 P 



The following gifts to the Library were announced, and 
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author, Prof, A, J. Reinach. — "I'^gypte prfhistorique." 

From W. H. Rylands, Esq,, ^51^.— "The Literature of Egypt 
and the Soudan : a Bibliography," by his Highness Prince 
Ibrahim-Hilmy. Vol. IL 

From the Author, S, F. Pells, Esq. — " Hades," and " Introduction 
to Charles Thomson's Septuagint." 

The following Paper was read : — 

Prof. A. H. Savce, D.D, {Prtstdenf) : "Notes 1 
Recent Discoveries in Egypt," 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 



By F, Legce. 

{Continued front p. ii8.) 

From these Xvio lists we can reconstruct without further difficulty 
the protocols of some at least of the Thinite kings. No one will be 
inclined to dispute, for instance, tliat the Horus Khasekhmui (No. 7 
in list of Honis-names) is the same person as the siiUn bat nebti 
Khasekhmui {No. 3 in the list of mten bat names). On this principle 
we find we have the protocols of five of the Thinite kings, viz. r — 

M " The Honis Khasekhmui, 

King of the South and Korth, Lord of Diadems, 

^ n IN ^ ij£ 1 «~w,^ " Tlu Horus Neteren, King 

of the South and North, Lord of Diadems, Neteren." 


i ^ ^ 1 ""=* " The Horus Neterkhet, 
King of the South and North, Lord of Diadems, Neterkhet." 

I = W rt" P " ^''"' *' Perabsen, King 

of the South and North, Perabsen." 

% ^fcl£ ^ " The Horus Qa, King of the 


by Google 

South and North, Lord of Diadems, Qa 


Besides these, however, there are certain names in the list of 
Horns-names which may be identified with greater or less certainty 
with other and different ones in the list of iuUn bat names. This 
is the case with the Horns Az-ab (No. 2 in list or Horus-names) 
who, on the strength of a jar-sealing which shows this title and 
name alternating with that numbered 4 in list of suien bat names, 
has been identified with " the King of the South and North 
Merbapen," who has in turn been identified with the Miebis of 
Manetho (see P.S.B.A., 1904, p. 136), I am by no means so sore 
of this identity as I was in my paper last quoted, but as it makes no 
great difference to my main argument, I will pass over this for the 
present,"' The case of the Horns Den (No. 3 in list of Horus-names) 
is on all fours with this, having been formerly identified by common 
consent (see P.S.B.A., 1904, p. 135) wiih the supposed "Setui," 
who is No. 9 in the list of iuten bat names. M. Weill's very clear 
argument in his article in the Reauil de Travaux (t. XXIX, 
pp. 36 sqq^ has severely shaken this identification ; but as the 
question cannot yet be settled, this also may be left as it is for the 
present. That of the Horus Hotep-selchmui (No. 4 in the list of 
Horus-names) is a little clearer. M. Am#.lineau found the fragment 
of a vase at Abydos inscribed with the srekh of the Horus Hotep- 
sekhmui followed by a house sign I containing some much- 
defaced s^s, which are probably "Mtt* ^3^ 'uF.'^ A house 
sign thus inscribed is frequently found in a similar position following 
the Horus-name of Qa \cf. S.T., i, VIII, ij ; abo IX, 2), which 
may therefore be thought to refer to a *' castle" or house of that 
monarch. This is confirmed by the instances given in the list from 
Prof. Petrie's excavations on the same spot, where the irtkh of the 
Horus Hotep-sekhmui precedes a house sign bearing the s^s 
^^ & A above the ordinary Ka standard ^-^ , and apparently 
meaning " the House of the Ka of the Horus Hotep-sekhmui," 
Hotep-sekhmui, therefore, seems to have adopted for some purpose 

" I hope to TctUTD to the whole question of Ihe identification of ibe Thinile 
hiogs with those mentioned in Ihe Maneiho «nd in ihe King-lists of Aliydos and 
Saqqara in a fulure paper, which wiQ be, in eflect, the continiution of ihat called 
"The Kbgs of Abydos." 

^ So Mr. Griffith, f!.T., i, p. 40, who auggests for ihe group the 
exUaoTtlinaiy translation of " Residence of all Protection behind." 




or another the house of the Honis Qa and to have possessed 
besides a residence for his own double. But M. Barsanxi has 
recently found {Ann. du Service, iii, p. 187, Type No. a A), underlhe 
Pyramid of Unas, certain jar-sealings, which show not only the hawk- 
crowned srekh of Hotep-seichmui, as it appears on the shoulder of 
Statue No. t in the Gizeh Museum, but, following it, a house sign 
containing the signs 4*^ ^«L — "— ? which M, Maspero reads 
"Chilean du Roi des deux Egyptes, maltre du nord et du sud 
Hotpou" [Hotep]. Unless, therefore, we choose to believe that a 
suten bat nebti Hotep reigned before Hotep-sekhmui, it seems likely 
that the two sekherri signs (i were here dropped from his suftn bat 
name by the carelessness or haste of the scribe." If this is the case, 
Hotepsekhmui and Hotep must be the same person, and his protocol 
must be read like those of Khasekhmui, Neteren, Neterkhet, and Qa. 
It seems also extremely likely that "The Horus Khasekhem " 
(No. 6 in list of Horus-names) and "The Horus Khasekhmui "(No. 7) 
are the same person. Khasekhem's name appears at Hieraconpolis 
only, and the signification of the double form of the name is sufR- 
ciently shown by the wearing of the crown of the North only by the 
hawk on the srekh in the Sam-taui scene there depicted, and by the 
remark of Mr. Quibell {Mterakonpolis, ii, p. 44) that there are 
traces of another akkem sign having been begun but never finished 
in the king's srtkh. This accords with the meaning of the names 
" The Rising of the Sceptre " and " The Rising of the Two Sceptres," 
respectively, and is evidently intended to mark the annexation 
(peaceable or otherwise) of the kingdom of Set to the crown of the 
North. This would doubtless account for Khasekhmui employing on 
his jar-sealings the " Asch " or Set-animal in addition to the Horus- 
hawk, the two being borne on a srekh containing his name 
■ Q |i 6, sometimes with and sometimes without the addition of the 

signs — tL^ ■=(= t.a— . J^ .^. " the peace of his two gods." 
. ^^^^ 
In like case to this last is the Horus Sekhemab (No. 14 in the list of 
Horus-names), of whom M, Am^lineau and, after him, Prof. Petrii-; 
discovered many jar-sealings at Abydos. M. Weill has made it 

" A similar abbrevialioD occurs in the protocol of Ne-nsei.ra given in Part I 
of this paper, P.S.B.A., igcS, p. iji. 



perfectly plain {Rec. de T., art. at, pp. 19, sqq^ that Sekhemab is not 
Perabsen as Prof. Petrie thought, the last-named king having been 
already provided with a Horus, or rather, a Set name of his own ; 
while in Abydos, III, Messrs. Ayrton, Currelly, and Weigall 
show a jar sealing giving the name of Sekhemab in a srekk, together 

with the signs |— 1 ~.~*. / 1 j^ reading Per-en-inaat, " House 

of Tnjth."" From this, M. Weill argues that Per-en-maat is the 
siiUn bat name of Sekhemab. This may well be so, as a srekh of 
Ne-user-ra, which he quotes,*" shows a hawk-crowned srekk con- 
taining the Horus and suttn hat names side by side. But the usage 
of the Vth Dynasty is no warrant for that of the Thinites, and I do 
not agree with M, Wkill that Neterui hotep un-f is the suten bat 
name of Khasekhmui, whom he quotes as a precedent.^ While, 
therefore, believing Sekhem-ab and Sekhem-ab-Perenmaat to be the 
same person, I do not suggest any suten bat name for the former. 

■\Ve can, then, reconstitute, although with far less certainty than 
the five first given, the following additional protocols : — 

" Tke Horns Az-ab, King of the South 
and North, Merbapen," 

" Tkt Horus Den, King of tht South 

a " The Horns Hotep-sekhmui, 

King of the South and North, Lord of Diadems, Hotep." 

while the Horus Kha-sekhem is otherwise accounted for. Of those 
remaining in the list of Horus-names there is nothing to give us any 

*• A fine alabaster vase fragment bearing the same in»criplion is in Mt. JJash's 
collection. See P.S.B.A., 1907, pp. 297-298, and Plate. 

" Given in Brugsch aoid Bopriakt's iii'wa'w A'mi, p. 7. 

^ M. Masfero reads these signs ffotef Neterui am-f. " In whom the two 
Horuses [gods?] are jraned." Am£linbaU, Tembiaii a'Oilris,-^. 129. 



indication as to whether the Horns Kha-ba possessed a suten bat 
title or tiame, and although the Honis Ra-neb, from his manifest 
fffoximity in date to Neteren and Neterkhet respectively, probably 
did so, we have no means of even guessing what it was. 

We have now accounted for all the names in the list of atien bat 
names, with the exception of No. 2 ^Jl^ \SP 3 , which according 
to Mr. H. R. Hall should be read "Hu" or "NekhL" I should much 
like to identify him with the Horus Semerkhet (No. 15 in the list 
of Horus-names), as I should thereby get rid of two more numbers. 
But I cannot do so, as the only seiious argument that has yet been 
adduced for the ideniificadon is the appearance of the srekk of the 
Horus Semerkhet on a jar-sealing (R.T., I, No. 72), alternately with a 
house sign containing the signs I "^Wg \)^ 3, which may be 
read "the great house of the Lord of Diadems Hu." If this 
proves that Hu was Semerkhet, then the next seal to it in the Plate 
(viz., No, 73) which bears alternately with Semerkhet's srekh another 

house sign containing the signs "13^1. v^^f^'^ ""^^^ mean that 
Semerkhet was also the King of the South and North Ti-met-ka-nub. 
We must therefore suppose that Semerkhet was not only the one 
king yet discovered before Usertesen II to possess a aebti name 
different from his Horus-name, but that Manetho and Seti's scribes 
all put this nebti name into their lists to the disregard of his sulen bat 
name, which was something quite different from both. This seems 
to be a sufficient reductio ad absvrdum of the whole argument, and I 
am afraid that I must leave the svten bat Hu without suggesting any 
Horus-name to which he can be attached. 

There remain, then, out of the list of Horus-names, besides the 
Horus Sekhem-ab, the Horus Aha {No. i), the Horus Naimer 
(No, 8), the Horus Semerkhet (No, 15), the Horus Zer or Khent 
(No. r6), the Horus Zet (No. 17), the Neith Hotep Ba (No. 19), and 
the Amen Se- (No. 20), without mltn bat names corresponding to 
them, and I shall ask the reader to believe that in these seven cases 
the protocol consisted merely of the srekh containing the king's name 
and surmounted by the animal chosen as his emblem. We have 
many inscriptions, amounting in some cases to more than 100, of each 
of these kings, and it seems incredible that if any suttn bat names 
belonging to them exist, they should not have come down to us. 
Omitting, then, those instances where we have clearly only a 



mutilated protocol, we are left with the following protocols, which I 
will divide into three groups : — 

Group A (SreM title and name). 

CKl E " ^^^ -^"WJ Aha." 

" Tie Horus Narmer." 

= " The Honis Semerkhet." 

" Tht Horus Zer [Khent]." 


" The Horus Zet." 

/f^ =i= t^ fe " The Neith Hotep-Ba.^' 

^ 1 ;-::; |^ " The Amen Se-(?)." 

Group B {Horus and mien bat titles and name). 
^^|P ^1^ ^^ " The Hants Den, King of the South 

and North, Setui{?)" 

r^ 1^ ^^V° "TheHorusAzOih, King of the South 
and North, Merbapen (?) " 

■J [1 *™~- ^ ^ [1 " The Set Perabsen, King o] tk 

South and North, Perabsen." 



Group C {Srek/i, siiten bat and tubti titles and n 

l^ff p M M =*- H ^* ^''"" """p- 

sekhmui, King of t/te Soulk and North, Lord 0/ Diadems, 

J p ^ M S {y " ?''*« ffo'-"! Khasekhmui, 

King of the South and North, Lord of Diadems, Kha- 


" The Horus Neteren, King 

of the South and North, Lord of Diadems, Neteren." 


"The Hortis Neterkhet, 
King of the South and North, Lord if Diadems, Neterkhet." 

^ I '^nP ^ SiS _1j, " ^'^^ ■^"'^^ ^'^ ^'"^ "^ "'' 

South and North, Lord of Diadems, Qa." 

If, as M. Weill {Rec. de Trav., toe. cit.) makes probable, it here- 
after appears that the name read as " suten hat Setui" in Den's 
protocol is only the epithet " King of Deserts," his protocol will fall 
into Group A, and the same will be the case with that of Az-ab, if, 
as I am inclined to think possible, he should turn out not to be the 
sulen bat Merbapen. In any event, their protocols, as well as that of 
Perabsen, are sufficiently distinguished from Group C, from the fact 
that they do not include the nebti title. 


In considering this, we must first notice that the chain of 
evolution is continuous between Snefru and the greater part of 
Group C. Khasekhmui and Neterkhet (in that order) were, as we 
have seen, his immediate predecessors ; while Neteren and Hotep- 
sekhmui are shown to be consecutive by the occurrence of their 



names side hy side on Slatue No. r, and anterior to Khasekhmui by 
the puMition of Neleren's name some lines above his on the Palermo 
Stone. Qa, in like manner, must have reigned before— and, probably, 
immediately before — Hotep-sekhmui for the last named to have 
adopted his house ; and we can, therefore, arrange Group C thus : — 





although we should not lose sight of the possibility of a reign, or 
perhaps several reigns, having occurred between Qa and Hotep- 
sekhmui or between Neteren and Khasekhmui. But we have no 
inscription which shows the itel'ti title as forming part of the protocol 
before Qa'^ ; and until proof to the contrary, we are justified in saying 
that its use in this connection began with that king. 

Passing to Group B, the distinguishing feature of which is that 
here we have the Horus and suten bat titles tc^ether in the protocol 
without the nebli, we find more than one question awaiting us. 
Merbapen can hardly be any other than the 6th king of the Abydos 
list, who figures in the King-list of Saqqara as the first to reign over 
the whole of Egypt. But of the nine inscriptions given in the Plate, 
which it is believed are all that exist of this king, only one gives 
any colour to the theory that the " King of the South and North, 
Merbapen," has anything to do with the Horus Az-ab. This is the 
jar-sealing No. 57, found by Prof. Petkie, which is perhaps at the 
Cairo Museum.^ The only reproduction of it that has been pub- 
lished hitherto is a " hand-copy," that is to say, a sketch made up from 
different impressions of tlie seal, showing (see PI. IV, h) the name 
of Merbapen with the suten bat above it alternating with the jwiM 
of the Horus Az-ab. The evidential value of this form of record is, 
as we shall see later, not high, and no other instance is found among 
Thinite jar-sealings of a king thus giving his suten bat title and name 
by the side of his Hoias-srekk. It should be noticed also that out 

" The Bo-co11ed "Tablet of Mena" is, of coarse, no exception, II shows * 
hawk and not a vulture on the lirsl neb basket, and a viper and not a cobra or 
uracus on ibe second. 

" Mr. Quibell's Intioduclion to Arckai. OSJctli in the Calaitgoe CininUe 
leaves it quite uncertain whether ihe jar-seaiines 'here copied are aclnally in ibe 
Cairo MuseuiD or no:. 




of the six vase-fragments bearing Merbapen's suUn bat name, the 
four which are complete all bear two hawks on perches going before 
it. Mr. Griffith (R.T. I, p, 36) says that this group is certainly to 
be read neterui, and signifies Horns and Set. But he has perhaps not 
noticed that these two hawks on perches are also the emblem 
(probably the loum) of a tribe, and in one of the carved slates (see 
P.S.BjA., 1900, p. 135 and PI, V) are shown, as such, breaking into 
a town which may be Coptos. Is it possible from this that Merbapen 
was merely a tribal chieftain or nomarch who claimed the title of 
King of the South and North without actually possessing the 
kingdom, to which perhaps his descendants may have attained ? At 
present I see no way of solving this question or of deciding whether 
he really was the same person as the Horus Az-ab, Ijut it is evident 
that, if the first question be answered in the affirmative, he may never 
have received the two crowns of the nebii or have been entitled to 
call himself Lord of the Shrines of Nekhebit and Uazit, which is one 
of the explanations of the ntbti title. 

With regard to the proposed equation Den=Setui, the evidence 
is even less satisfactory. Of the five inscriptions in Pis. II and III 
showing the sulen bat title followed by the name (53, which has 
been read Setui, three are taken from the wooden tablets which, 
as I endeavoured to show last year (P.S.B.A., 1907, pastm), are the 
records of temple donations made by the king on different occasions. 
In one of these three cases the tablet records the donation of a 
king who is certainly, and in the other two possibly, no other than 
Den ; but the group "flfl^" i^^ (written in two instances, as 

appears in the plates, t aR ES) occurs only in one of the 
registers of the date, or of what 1 have called the year-name of the 
tablet, in which it seems connected with the taking of some city. 
But a deed, for instance, made in the time of James II, which alluded, 
as it well might, to an incident in the Rebellion under Charles I, 
would certainly not prove these kings to be identical; and until the 
whole of the phrases in which these signs occur can be read, they 
can hardly be said to prove the equation mentioned above. The 
remaining two inscriptions (see PI. Ill) are even less conclusive 
for this purpose, for they show, by the side of the ^^fls t^S, not the 
srekk of the Horus Den, but another siiten bat, preceding, in the one 



case, the name of Hu before mentioned, and, in the other, that or 
Merbapen accompanied by the two hawks on pterches. One of these 
inscriptions is said to show signs of "usurpation" or erasure, although 
none appear in the reproductions published .: but the other, which is 
copied in the Plate from a photograph of the original in the Louvre, 
most kindly put at my disposal by M. B1cM^:ditf, exhibits no trace of 
anything of the kind. M. Weill's suggestion that Kt'J^ , instead of 
being a proper name, here means, when uken with the sulen bat, 
something like "King of the Southern and Northern Desert" is 
therefore perfectly tenable. 

No ambiguity of this kind troubles us with regard to Peralraen, 
the third member of Group B, The si/Un bat Perabsen of the jar- 
sealings shown in the plates is undoubtedly the same person as "the 
Set Perabsen " whose tomb s" was discovered by M. AmI%lineau, and 
whose funeral stele was recovered later by Prof. Petrie {R.T., II, 
PI. XXXI). He was also a historical personage, and was worshipped 
after his death, as is shown by the door-frame of his priest Sheri, 
reproduced by M. Maspero {Hist. Anc, 1895, t. i, p. 237) and by 
M. AmIclixeau {N.F. d'A., vol. cit., PI. XX). AVhy, then, did he use 
the Set-animal or asch on his srekh, instead of the Horus-hawk, and 
why does his name appear neither in ihe King-lists of Abydos, 
Saqqara or Karnak, nor in the Turin Pajiyrus? The only answers 
that suggest themselves are, that either he was, like Khuenatcn 
three millenia laler, a "heretic king," who introiluced the worshiji of 
strange gods, or that he was the chief of the Set tribe, who waged 
war against the "Followers of Horus " in the fratricidal slri'e 
recorded in the legend of Edfu, and was for a lime so successful as to 
have ruled over a part of Southern Egypt. In this connection it may 
be noticed that in the jar-sealings of this king, which show the figure 
of the god Set, animal-headed and upright beside the srekh (R. T., 
II, Nos. 178 and 179), he wears the Southern crown only. As to 
Perabsen's date, if M. Am^lineau be correct in saying that he 
found a vase-fragment with the name of the Horus Qa in the 
undespoiled part of Perabsen's Tomb {N.F. d'A. vol. cit., p. 159), 
" The attiibution is more certain than in any olher case occuTTiDg in the 
Thinite penod ; fur M. Ami^linbau tells us that more than loo objei.-ts bearii^ 
this name were found in the " tcmh," and thai one of Ihe chambers had not been 
despoiled. Cf. If.F. tPA., t iii, pt, I, Chap. XI fiass/m, and especially p. tj"- 
"Nearly all" Perabsen's inscriplions discovered t^ M. Am^likeao are said to 
be al Cairo (iW. ei/„ p. 170). 



he should be later in date than Qa, and it seems reasonable to 
believe^ from the union of the two animals on Khasekhmui's srekh, 
that the separate reign of the chief of the Set tribe was put an end 
to by the accession of Khasekhmui. The hypothesis that Ferabsen 
was never king over the whole of ^^t would account for his not 
assuming the ntbti title. 

We come now to Group A, in which the Horns title and name 
alone is used, and where no trace of either suten bat or tttbli appears. 
This is especially the case with Aha, Narmer, Zer (or Khent), 
and Zet, whose jar-sealings all show a continuous line of hawk- 
crowned srekhs (see Plate) without intermediate words or phrases. 
All these names seem to be written with a single sign, a fact which, 
from the first, was noticed by M. Maspero.*" It is probable, there- 
fore, that these four kings are all close together in point of date, and 
that we have here another example of the rule that the names of the 
kings of the same dynasty generally resemble one another. Den, 
indeed, possessed a seal of the same kind, but wrote his name with 
two signs, and in this way also he and, I think, Az-ab and Sekhem-ab, 
form links between the earlier and later Thinites. Semerkhet, from 
the greater complication of his name, would, on this reasoning, be 
later than Den, Az-ab, and Sekhem-ab, and this, I think, is borne 
out by the fact of his being the first royal name to appear on the 
rocks at Sinai. So far, then, as we can see at present, and subject 
to what has been said with regard to Group B, we may provisionally 
arrange those kings earlier than Qa whom we have just discussed, 
thus: — 

Aha -] 

Narmer [ 

• order uncertain. 

Zer [Khent] f 

Zet -J 


if he be not Setui. 

Az-ab . 

if he be not Merbapen. 

Sekhem-ab Perenmaat. 


' ffis/. anc. dts fiuflti, eU., 1S95, t. !, p. 336. NAR^[S1^ would, perhaps, 
be uieicepcton; but in once insuuice, at least {K.T.,a, F1. XIII, No. 91), the 
Mcond sign in his name hat been cast out of the srikh, as if with the intention 
of making his name "like those which have been made before." This teemj 
more likely than that Mer should be, as M. Weill {Rec. de Trav., arl. cit.) 
ni^ests, hU tutm hat name. 




The Neith Hotep-Ba, the Amen Se-, and the suUn 6a/ Hu cannot, 
in the present state of our information, be usefully placed. 

Taking this in connection with ivhat has been said at the end of 
the first part of this paper, we see, then, that : — 

The Horus of Gold title did not come in before Neterkhet, and 
probably formed no regular part of the protocol before 

The fuM or Lord of Diadems title came in with Qa. 

The use of the suteit bat or King of the South and North title 
also came in with this last king, unless we choose to 
believe that Den was Setui and Az-ab, Merbapen. 

The earliest group known to us, viz.. Aha, Narmer, Zer [Khent], 
and Zet, used as protocol the Horus-name alone, and 
wrote it with a single sign. 


The only question that remains to be considered is that of the 
meaning of these titles and the historical events to which \bty 
probably refer. The ne/iti, or vulture and uraeus title, which is 
probably the last comer but one into the Thinite protocol, has 
been discussed at very great length by Dr. Naville, Prof. Sethe, 
Prof. Wiedemann and the late K. Piehl, and the theory formerly 
put forward by Prof, Erman, that it is to be read smawti " the uniter," 
is now quite given up (v. F.S.B.A., 1898, pp. 117-119) in favour of 
the view of M, Maspero in his masterly essay on "Les Quatre Noms 
OflBciels des Rois tgyptiens " (Etudes Agyptitnnes, 1879, t, II) that it 
means Lord of the shrines of Nekhebit and Uazit. Now Nekhebit, the 
vulture-goddess, was the divine guardian of Nekhab, or the ancient 
Eileithyiopolis, now EI-Kab, a long way to the south of Thebes, 
while Uazit, a form of Isis, occupied the same position vrith regard 
to Buto or Tel! Fera'in at almost the northernmost point of the 
Delta. It may therefore well be that this title, when joined to the 
suten bat, marks the subjugation of the whole length and breadth of 
Egypt so far as it was known to the Thinite kings. Later it came 
to be confused with the actual head-coverings that were the sign 
of this supremacy, and came to be known as the ntbti or "two 
goddesses," as Dr. Naville {^A.Z., XXXVL 1898, p. 134) has 



shown from a text in Queen Hatasu's teniple at Deir el-Bahari, 
That the Egyptians of tlic decadence — turning, as they did in 
everything, to magic to explain the points in their national 
beliefs of which they had forgotten the historical explanation — 
attributed a mystic power to all the regalia is well known, and is 
illustrated by a passage in the Pistis Sophia, where the royal crown 
is made to sing a hymn. Thus is explained the passage in the Stela 
of Damanhur, where the Vw is translated Kvpiio jiaat\eii>ir "Lord 
of Diadems." 

The i^^ suten bat title can best be e.'iplained in a similar way. 
The i suten seems to have been the emblem of the high-priest of 
I ^ »*»w Suten-henen, or Heracleopolis Magna, while the *^^i bat 
was that of the corresponding official at Z Jl , Qebt, or Coptos. 
This last town was, according to some, the first point reached by the 
invaders whose chiefs afterwards became the first dynastic kings of 
Egypt when they came into the Nile Valley from Koseir on the Red 
Sea; and Suten-henen is often spoken of in the earlier myths as the 
place where Ra rose for the first time, where the great slaughter of 
mankind was made, and where the X u^- ^-^ ... ' ^"'" '*""' 
"the union," or even the £-^ ^^^ /<ff///iTg/." the completion" 
of the two lands (Budge, Gods of the Egyptians, II, pp. 58, 59), took 
place. Hence there seems little doubt that these two towns formed 
the limits of the first conquest made by the invaders, and that the 
priesthood of them thus naturally passed into the protocol of the 
kii^ship, a view that was long since put forward by Le Pace Renoup 
and Prof. Wiedemann (P.S.B.A., XII, p. 358, and XX, p. 117) and 
is supported by M. Moret {Roy. Phar., p. 34). In the Damanhur 
Stela the suten bat title is translated BoffAcil* ti^j' ^c ai-w ««! tS-v tiiw 
Xuf^wv, " King of the Upper and Lower Land." 

We come at last to the Horus or srekh title, consisting, as I have- 
said so many times, of an animal, generally a hawk, ^^ upright 
upon a srekA or rectangle containing the personal or disunguishing, 
name of the king, and representing in its lower part the fa^-ade ot 



front elevation of a building.*' This agrees singularly iriih the 
description of the king as ^v"jr ^J. '^'1^ "The Horns who 
is in the palace" (Moret, op. at, p. 19, n. 3),andleaves no doubtas 
to the meaning of the group. But why was the king known as "the 
Honis"? Because, says M. Loret, in the essay I have before 
referred to, the chief of the premier clan of the invaders was called 
"the Falcon," as the leader of a tribe or sept who bore that animal as 
their ensign and tottm, the word Horr or Haur being Arabic as «dl 
as Egyptian for a falcon.*' Herdn they anticipated exactly the 
usage of our Highland clans, one of whom, the clan Chattan, 
gave its name to Caithness and called its chieftain, the Earl of 
Sutherland, Mohr an Chat, "The Great Wild Cat"« That the 
same explanation would by Itself account for the example of names 
included in a srtkh, surmounted by some other animal than the 
'falcon, such as those given above of the Set Perabsen, the Keith 
Hotep-Ba, and the Amen Se — , needs no demonstration. 


We see, then, that the Thinite protocol is not only connected in 
an uninterrupted manner with the protocol used by all succeedii^ 
dynasties, but can be traced back by regular steps to the tpkmi 
of the invading clans. From this we can conclude, I think, that the 
form of a king's protocol is a valuable help in determining his place 
in the King-lists, and one, perhaps, more trustworthy than those 
hitherto employed. It may also be remarked that its use furnishes 
a proof the more that Aha cannot possibly be Menes, For the 
pavilion sign fjl , which, in the table of Aha, covers the supposed 
name of Men or Mena, not only appears, as I showed in a framer 
paper (P.S.B.A., 1906, p. 14, et se^.), under King Khent, as coverii^ 

" See Monri', A', P., p. 19, n. 3, and authorities there quoted. 

* See V&gypu au Temps di< Telimisme, I/ann-U-Faueett {BulUlii di 
rinsltlal Fraa^ais it Archielogit OritntaU, 1903, p. 1, sqq.) and l^ Etaegiiii 
Mililairts des Triins {Xai. flgyplol, 1902]. The same conteiilioD is put fnnid 
by Prof. Newberry in P.S.B.A., 1904, p. 195, ti leq. 

" See C. L, GOMHB, Tolemism in Britain, Arekatelasical Review, VoL 3, 
p. 355, (( seq. He give) there many other example* of the practice, iDclndine, of 
course, Ihat of the leaders of the Saxon invasion, Ilengist and Iloisa, "StaUkm" 
and " Mare.'' 



S.B.A. Proctciings,JuHe, 19c 

f.7~.,II, PI. xiv, 97. 




two other signs wittiout any added royal titles at all, but can in no 
circumstances be mistaken for the cartouche which did not come 
into use until the time of Snefru. Nor can the hawk and viper 
which appear in the same tablet of Aha on neb baskets have any 
connection with the ttehtl title which, as we have seen, made its first 
appearance in the reigti of Qa. 

I must here express my thanks to my colleague, Dr. Nash, for 
the untiring energy and patience he has shown in photographing the 
different illustrations which go to make up the plates accompanying 
this paper. Although all have appeared before, either in the 
ProcNdings or elsewhere, it seemed in every way more satisfactorj' 
to have the actual monuments under the eyes of the reader wherever 



Svjmu, SHOULDER. aSAru, assemble. 

By S. Langdom. 


In K. 499S, obv. i6 [= Haupt, ASKT, 124], occurs the 
following passage : SE-KAK sag-ds-ba = ina iurrl Aa6iuriu ; here 
tit, the Sumerian post-position, is evidently for ina and sag = iurru. 
For 5E-KAK = Jj-e-ea-iur = ^ebbiir = /la&iurii, a loan word for 
grain vessel, see Balryloniaca II, 109. In the preceding lines the 
god Nei^al is described as lli in ina iiiri sandti, ' the ox who is bound 
to a yoke ' and ied:'r epinniSu ' the water-wheel is his Ubru.' If we 
translate line sixteen, ' his grain vessel upon his shoulder,' we would 
have a consistent description of Nergal as an ox working on the 
farm lands. That Surru does mean 'shoulder' seems evident from 
several facts. In the first place, sag is here used for iumt. 
[BrOnnow, No. 7461, is to be corrected to Jtabburul\ A second 
ideogram for J»r/-» is ^f^ |*" in Rm, 343, rev. 4 [=CT,XIX, ao], 
followed by S^ V"" ma^&iu and ^f^ ¥■>" ^■- miiat^ga, 
and, in the next group, rev, 7-10, is a list of words for parts of the 
hand Udi kati, wrist (?) kinikimu = ^| ■!- side of the hand [restored 
from SBH, 75, 8j, etc. It is evident from the Sumerian t^-sir, 
' what binds the neck,' that ma^jga^jgu and mitangugu must be 
a part of the body near the neck. Still another ideogram is ^ c|fj 
Sugbar = Surru in 81-4-38, rev. 15 pRAS, rgoe], where Sugbar has 
the Semitic equivalents Surru and irnittu^ ' sublime power,' Su^ar 
means. also im/»ma, 'htessX,' abani &nd umaSti, words for 'enclosure,' 
see Be^loniaca II, 106. Therefore iurru, certainly a word for 
part of the breast ; in case of an ox, the fore-shoulder (?), 

' Probably rroni irHtni = iitniiii, the SumciiBn for th: goddesi Illar, 





Hebrew presents with certainty a root, irtt 'come in,' 'pursue 
away,' generally distinguished by lexicographers from another root 
TTX, whose piel means to ' make luclty,' Arabic presents a root j1 
whose fundamental meaning is not clear, but the piel means ' leave 
traces,' the 'afa'al, 'give preference to,' and the islafa'ai, 'choose for 
oneself; the meaning ' choose,' is common in the ^al. From this stem 
Arabic has \\ 'sign,' 'monument,' j_^\ 'merit,' 'mention' and _^\ 
'marked for excellence.' Evidently Arabic has one root with the rather 
vague meaning ' mark what is preferred,' and with this root must be 
connected Hebrew "'?''? , ' make lucky,' and the adverbial form 'Tf"?, 
of wishing. Hebrew, however, in the word "!^, 'step,' 'pace,' shows 
traces of a meaning 'pursue a way,' 'walk.' 

It would be difficult not to assume two roots were it not for the 
rather decisive veto which Assyrian puts upon this matter. It is 
customary to derive Assyrian asm ' place ' from the root tbv ' walk ' (?), 
seeGfiSENius, BuM-Zimmern, p. 64b, although amorenatural derivation 
would be 'marked spot,' the only meaning which lai*, "inx has in 
Aramaic and Nabatean. Assyrian has in fact three meanings for aim 
(a) sanctuary, (b) place, (c) excellent; (a) and {b)are probably pa'al 
forms = Arabic j(^ and (c) is a paHl form = jj(_ It is usual 
among Assyriolc^sts to derive aSru, ' excellent,' from tji ' be sub- 
missive,' a root which is said to exist, and to which Delitzech gives 
the meaning [HVV a47b], ' prostrate oneself,' and to <7Jr« he assigns the 
meaning 'submissive,' since aSrit is a synonym of katiSu, and is 
occasiorully spelled waint, but this hardly proves a root tyy , since 
the fern, of niru, ' sanctuary,' is also spelled once waSrati, and if we are 
to take this writing with 7va as indicating a I'D root we must then 
a.ssume a VB root for the whole list, which comparative philology 
obviously forbids. I seriously question a root t?l 'fall down,' 
although Muss-Arnolt also gives such a root, p. 119b. At least 
ilitti airu afbi. in» bikiti, NniROD Epic XI, 1J6, means rather 'the 
gods assembled, sat in tears.' To examine this supposed root and its 
179 Q a 



supposed derivatives would take us too far afield, and I content 
myself with expressing a doubt in the matter. 

That airu [HW Z48a], alrH, 'excellent' and 'in an excellent 
manner,' aie from the same root as a!ru, * place/ is evident from the 
fact that the Sumerian wrote the same word for both of these Semitic 
words. Thus ki [Br 9627] is the common word in Sumerian for the 
word aim, ' place,' but in Reisner's Sumtrisch-Babylonis(he Hyvuttn, 
p. 74, rev. 13, ki-i>i-!ii = airii^= 'fittingly,' 'as it becomes one who 
is excellent.' The passage leaves no doubt concerning the meanii^: 
diig-a mti^-na-iu ki-bi-Sii ma-ma-da 
ana amat aliiiht airis illikma 
'At the command of his father, his begetter, he went befittingly.' 
Airu and aSirtit, 'sanctuary,' airu, 'place,' airu, 'excellent,' ajrii, 
'excellently,' are therefore all from a root athdni, alaru, 'preia,' 
'select,' 'mark out.' With this result agrees Delitzsch's meaning 
for the piel of nptt [p. 148a], 'to show respect unto.' Despite 
Jensen's statement to the contrary that aiarti means only 'muster,' 
' oversee,' there is strong probability that the fundamental sense is 
' prefer,' ' show favour to.' Asaru does mean ' muster,' and aiirtt is 
a synonym q{ pakidu, see KB VI i, 409; KAT'' 420; AL* 159a; 
]!A V, 314 ; and K 7331, obv. 6. 

So far as Assyrian is concerned we have, therefore, the following 
results : — 

ncit aiaru [Ar. _j\ ] choose, show favour to, mark out (?) ; (b) 
assemble, oversee. 
11^ make happy. 

Ill' ' imperfect uStataiirum they [the stars] muster them- 
selves forth, see Zimmern, Ritual, index, p. 231. 
Aim, fem, aiir/u, sanctuary, fem. pi. airiiil and eirt'fi. 
Airu, place. 
A in/, excellent, good. 
Airis, excellently, well. 

Hebrew tPtt 'walk' (?) and^^ 'pace,' 'step,' probably belong to 
the same root. Certain it is that the Amorite Airatu consort of the 

' For atn'l = H-ii-til see also ASKT 81, 29, aliit itlanltil bowed 10 him as 

wa» fining, and compace Eric OF Creation oUTi/i-flBM/ gal poMtrftit 

iitun, OS one prG-eminent be faced Tiainat. 



Amorite Adad is from this root, and probably means she that brings 
prosperity, or if the form in the Amama letters Atiriu be a fern, of 
_jol = aim, i.e., asiru, the original notion would be ' the pre-eminent 
goddess.' At most, etymology can do little toward settling the 
primitive conception of a deity. It is not likely that the original idea 
of Aiirlii, Airaiu, or of IStartu, ^Ailorelh, all of which probably go 
back to this common root, was astral. 




By Prof. A. H. Savce, D.D. 

I. The Great Altar Inscription of Ardistama (or Emir Ghwi) 
is new in the Museum at Constantinople, where it has been copied 
by Dr. Leopold Messerschmidt, who has published it in the 
Second Supplement to his Corpus iMscriptionum Hetiiiicarum {\i)q(>), 
pi. L. The revised copy has introduced many corrections into the 
copy made from Sir W. M. Ramsay's squeeze, which I have given 
ill the Proceedings of this Society (Jan., 1905), and has further 
enabled me (with the help of photographs) to make out the inscrip- 
tion on the Broken Altar, of which I published a very imperfect 
copy in the same number of the Proceedings. The original of the 
latter inscription has not been taken to Constantinople, and conse- 
quently I publish here my corrected copy of it. It turns out that 
the second and third lines are a repetition of the first line of the 
Great Altar Inscription, the text of which they serve to complete 
and emend, and that the fourth line is a repetition of the third line 
of the other text. 

I will first take the Great Altar Inscription (referred to as A) in 
its emended form (Messerschmidt, L.), and then pass on to that 
portion of the Broken Altar Inscription (referred to as B), which 
differs from it. 

A- 1. The "Broken" text (B) shows that Dr. Messerschmidt 
is right in making the line begin with the ideograph which represents 
a tiara, and phonetically expresses Mama or Mamia. Between 
Ma-me and Khat B inserts the ideograph of "country," followed by 
vhat I would identify with the determinative of a country and 
the phonetic complement /. In M. IV, B 3, the ideograph is 
assigned the phonetic value of miu or miy : hence we must read 



here Ma-me-^AVi-i, where the insertion of the ide<^raph is intended 
to show that it is the country of king Mamis (or Mameas), and not 
the king himself that is referred to. The characters which follow 
Kkat, {KAat)-uati-»ii-a det. m.-uas ues-i, are lost in A. Messer- 
SChmidt's j after Ka-si-i-mia must be corrected into mia. The lost 
character which follows is shown by B to be the human head. The 
next picture of the head is shown by B {which inserts the determina- 
tive of "city") to be the determinative of "deity," not "Sanda," 
as in M. The whole line is, consequently : 

Ma(ma)-mia-(u)an det. Ma-frie-{yiiv-DET.-i)-^Aat-uan-Mi-a 

Of the Mamoassians, Mames-Hittites, from the land 

DET. m.-uas ues-i M-iD. iD.-a w.-a-{a)rami 

a servant of the Rain-god this altar for the Ram-god for the King 

amia tb.-uan ami-a Ka-si-i-mia 

of the city, in the city of the Ram-god people, (I) of the Kasians 

aramis kai-s atu-s si-u (or -miyosr. 

the king making being lord I have erected, 

j)E.T.-aram-mi-{ti)an is-tu-mia ami-a 

belonging to the divine king within the city. 

That is : " r, a servant of the Ram-god in the land of the 
Mamoassians, Hrttites of the country of Mames, (and) king of the 
Kasians, having made this altar for the Ramrod, the king of the 
city, in the city of the people of the Ram-god, have, as lord, erected 
it that it should l>elong to the divine king within the city." 

Newly-published inscriptions (M. LI, 3, etc.,) show that ^^ is 
/»iand(D mi-a, though the latter, when followed by the vocalic 
complement /, was pronounced mi, and could be so pronounced 
even without its complement. KasSmia is found at Hamath (M. 
VI, i); ami-a Am-a/{i)-i,\A-{mia'\-s Ka-a {1)-sH^)-mia [a-]«a, "the 
Hamathite, king of the Kasians," where I have only recendy 
recognised tt. -Mia is the -miya of the cuneiform tablets. Si, "to 
erect," is of frequent occurrence in various forms, and also occurs 
in the cuneiform tablets. Since the boot seems to have had the 
values of u and wi as well as mi, and the first person of the verb 
in the cuneiform tablets ends in -mi as well as -w and -1, I am 
doubtful about the reading of the verbal form. 




Islu-mia with *5) as first character is found in M. V, 3, where 
the signification of "within" would best suit the context («/tf-JWia 
Amat-wa, "within Hamath"). I read the second character tu 
instead of to, since the borrowed Assyrian islu appears in the cunei- 
form tablets of Boghaz Keui in the sense of "in," which would suit 
the compound istii-mia, " in the place," 

2. The third character is the ass's head, as in my copy. It had 
the values of mias and mis, perhaps also of as. Hence the name of 
Mames was probably pronounced Ma-me-as, which in Greek would 
be Mam&as. The line runs : — 

Ma-nte-{tm)at Ka-si-\t\-mi-a aramis ues-i ka-\a. iw.Kxta 
(I) Mameaa of the Kastans the king this altar tS Tarkus 

Nv-nu-i ky'^-mi-a nu-uan iir{?)-a a-me-Mi-DET. 

have dedicated ; the building sacred of the sanctuary to the lord 

amia . . . DET. San{da)-da id. det. StUvt DET. Atui, 

of the city . . . Sandes (T) being corybant of Subbi (and) Aitys, 

KBT. ID. DET, Atnma (3) id. ghan (?)-a«i {iU) 

dirk-bearer of Amma, the queen of the rock 

Katu-u {?)-«<« (?) ... 

of the image, [have erected.] 

Ideographically ta (the depressed hand) denoted "to dedicate," 
"consecrate a gift" by laying the hand upon it, and in this case 
had the value nu ; see M. XXIII, A 3, where the value of the 
ideograph is given as nu. Nu has the same sense in the cuneiform 

The phonetic complement of Sanda is the "dish," or "table," 
on which, according to the sculptures and the cuneiform tablets, 
offerings were made to the gods. The tablets show that da was the 
technical word for " setting " the offering on the dish before the god. 

I have lately noticed that Sir W, M. Ramsay's original copy of 
the Gurun inscription (M. XVIII, B i) gives lu as the phonectic 
complement of the ideograph (two legs walking) which represents 
the name of the god Attys. 

• I now represent the oblique stroke by y rather Ihan by u or £, since I find 
(hat it mteTcha.Qges with ■ as well as with u. On the Taikondcmos boss it i) 
equivaleni to the Assyrian e. 




The " dirk-bearere " of Istar at Erech are mentioned in the 
Babylonian legend of the Flague-god (II, 11), 

Amma, represented by the feather (?) which I found rising above 
the head of the goddess when I climbed to the shoulders of the 
so-called "NioW on Mount Sipylus, is similarly called "the queen 
of the rock " in the inscription which accompanies the figure. The 
rock itself was called Koddine, "belonging to Koddi," or Katu. 

3. The next paragraph is repeated in the fourth line of B- 

^Iesserschmidt's Q must be corrected into fn . 

{Ma-nu-mias Xa-si-i-mi-a] aramis ues-t -id-ID ara-tm-uan 
[Mames of the Kasians] the king this altar royal 

DET. a-ta amia fir (?)-« kalu {7yu-i-a-{i/a)» 

for the lord of the city of the sanctuary belonging to the shrine (?) 

. . -/ DET. San{da)'da (4) id. DET. Sii-wi 

I have [built] ; for Sandes (I) being corybant of Subbi 

DET. Atui DET. ID. DET. Ammo, asi-(ua)n 

(and) Attys, dirk-bearer of .^mma, the (sacred) stone 

s-ui a-ra-me-Mi (or mi) Ka-si-i-mia DET. Atui . . . 

I have erected ; for the king of the Kasians, Atlys, . . . 

siu-uas .... 

fiances [I have established]. 

4. In the fifth line a verb in the first person is represented by an 
ideograph which looks something like the "shuttle" of the Egyptian 
goddess Nit. There (and again in the sixth line) we have, " to the 
king of the Kasians, the high-priest of the sanctuary of the place of 
the image, the king [of the city]," where the word "high-priest" is 
denoted by the high-priestly head-dress on the upper part of a face. 
In the 6th line mention is again made of "erecting a (sacred) stone" 
to some deity whose name is lost. The last word is amei (?) ka-i-wi 
(or -mi) " I have made." 

B- The text of the " Broken " Altar contains a new ideograph, 
^noting the name of a city, in what remains of the first column. 
The first line of the second column has Ka-si-i-mia arami followed 
by the name of a god. The name is expressed by an ideograph 
which I have reproduced exactly, and which seems intended for 



Khatttt. The passage ends in the second line mth " lord of the 
land of the city " ; then comes the first line of the other inscription, 
which has already been dealt with. 

U. I have received from Professor Garstang an exceedingly- 
good photograph of the famous Aleppo inscription (M, III, A), 
which enables us to read it at last, and of which therefore I publish 
a facsimile. The second character is, I think, ka, but may be uas. 
If ka, the word is ka-i, " I have made ; " if not, it is i-{ua)s-i {pro- 
nounced, I believe, isi) "for the temple." In any case, the inscrip- 
tion is only a fragment of a larger text After Kai, or isi, we have 
DET. ID. -mi "of" or "for my Sun-god"; then the legs which, as 
I have already said, had the value ofalu, so that the sense perhnps 
is atu-mi " my lord " ; then the name of the god Katu. There does 
not seem to have been any character between this and the " house," 
sHitna, suan (which may also have had the value dime). Aiii is 
probably the phonetic rendering of the ideograph of " king,"' which 
follows it (as in M. XXV, 2) ; if so, we might read ; " Katu-sunna the 
king." Next comes the name of the district which is mentioned in 
the Hamath texts {M. Ill, B 3) as well as in the inscription found 
at Babylon (M. II, i), and which, as we may gather from the 
Malatiyeh inscription {M. X^T, A i), took its name from thai of a 

What is practically the same territorial name appears again in 
the Mer'ash inscriptions. Hitherto I have r^arded it as, in this 
case, compounded with Katu, "Kataonian;" but erroneously. The 
character (#^ is not kalu, which is P , but simply // or at O'-'')- 
In M. VIII, A 3, the correct reading is Y.Ki\:-ka-ai-uan (not 
Aa-KATU-ttdw) and in M. XXXII, 5, it is Xa-ga-tua-it-mia-s, i.e., 
Nagit{u)miyas, the classical N^dos. The important inscription 
recently found on the base of a column at Nigdeh and published by 
Messerbchmidt (LIII) reads : iie-ues-a (uesa) asin s-it (^^ CW^ ) 

ana-i i-uas-i-ta (isi-ta) a-vii-s Kasy-i, "This stone has the king 
erected in the temple, being lord of Kas." Sii-e-it, " he has erected," 
occurs also in the cuneiform tablet from "Vuzghat," i.e., Bc^baz 
Keui (Rev. i, 2). Hence the territorial title -of the Mer'ash kings 
must be read Sandagam {?)-tni-i/-Mi-i-is-i, " of the land of Sanda- 
ga (?)-mi-t," where we find the same sufhx as in Tarkondima-tos by 
the side of Tarkondfimos. That the bnd in question included 



Aleppo seems to result from the Aleppo inscription. It follows 
from the correction of the value to be assigned to Cff) i that the 
territorial adjective in M. VII, 1, 1, is not Ir-katit-nas, but Kha- 
at({)-nas, and that, consequenll)% flfi is khn (or khal), not ir. Since 
the upright hand Wi interchanged with (2) (M. XXI, i, 2), it too will 
have had the value of it, at. It denoted " a prince " and so could 
represent indifferently the words aramt's, anas, amis and atus, or ates. 
Sometimes it interchanges with anas, sometimes with amis, " lord " ; 
the value at points to alus. In M. XXI, 6 (written with (yjQ ui M. 
XXI, 5), it is the name of a god, who would be the Eta, Aida, Ita 
in the name of the Hittite vassal, Eta-gama, in the Tel el-Amama 
tablets.^ Followed by three drops of (silver) metal it represents the 
name of a city on the Izgin Obelisk (M. XIX, B 16). 

Now this city may be the Yadi of Sinjerli. I find that the value 
I originally assigned to ^> was right, and that it expresses, not am, 
but at. In the Hamath texts the obliterated character at the end 
of M. V, I, is not «^, and in M. VI, i, the true reading is 
Am-&i-\niiayma-s, where -mas (or mias) is the suffix denoting "of 
the land of." Hence, in M. \', 3, there is no longer any difficulty 
about reading the name of Hamath, and the line should be trans- 
literated : is-tu-mi-a ' Am-at-wa si-unii wAdet. Am-&t(i)-Ras ami-as, 
"within Hamath I have founded, being of the land of Hamath." 
The repetition of at, which elsewhere ideographically represents the 
plural, may have to do with the plural suffix -/—hence my &t — or 
it may indicate that the / is followed by a short voweL* 

' The luioe of the same deity is found in the Bc^cha msciipiioD (M. LI, 2, ) ; 
X. Bu^ar Maden (M, XXXII, 3, 4.) the place of the upright hand is taken by 


As at Bogcha, (he name is preceded \yj the word »i 

* The whole sentence is uuna (?)-(n)rfii uisi-m^y mi-i-y uis lD-ma-asi(n)-nii 
"grandly this country luling (?), my throne (within Hamath I have founded)." 
The same fonnula occurs in M. Vi, 4, mt-vt-si-vis-y mi-i-y-DST. aliiy-{n)iia 

Ama-at-wa-MilK-mia-ii atiia (?)-id-b«-mi-i(o» masi-uan; "this country royally 
mling (?) (and] the land of Aram, the royal city of the people of Uan, the very 
great, in the city of Hamath a throne for the symbol of the bull [I founded]." 

* In the inscription of Bogcha (M. LI, i, 3), the name o( the city is Uaii (?)- 
al-la-ita. Unfortunately the first character is not certain ; otherwise we should 
have here the city of Vfinata. 




The correct deteimination of the value of ^> clears up the last 
line of the Carchemish inscription {M. XI, 5). This reads: le-ii 
DET. >iu-as kai-s dt ID. ID, det. meiMK-mi-a-as id. Katu Amma (?) 
Tarku-mias-s dkt. Khal-mia-i nu {?)-al-se-»a, " these priests ma3dlng, 
before the pillar* of the symbol of Aramis, as ministers of Hadad, 
Katu and Amma (?) in the land of Tarkus' the goddess Khalmia 
has consecrated them (for the king of the place of the Sun-god)." 
-T is the suffix of the third person of the verb, which is followed by 
the accusative of the personal pronoun ; tnemis, mtmian, is found 
with the signification of "servant" in the cuneiform tablets. 

In the new inscription from Mer'ash, published by Mbsserschhidt 
{PL LIl), the king is called (1. i) ami-a-as I-al ^p -sis "the son of 
the land of lat," which, further on, is written I-a-atu-iu-'OEt.-uan 
" of the Yatuans," and in line 2, 1-a/a-si-ifan-UET., "of the sons of 
Yata" (c/. also line 3). In Yato, Yata, Yat, I see the Yaeti of 
Shalmaneser II, which is probably to be identified with the Vadi of 
the Sinjerli texts. It is possible that the name of the city mentioned 
on the Izgin Obelisk (see aboi'e) is to be read in the same way. 

We can now return to the Aleppo inscription. The last 
character of the first line represents a tree, which also occurs on the 
Izpn Obelisk (A, last line) where it is followed by si-is, "erecting," 
"planting." The second line b^ns with : "(of) the divine temple," 
tf=a being sometimes written over the ide<%raph of divinity (as at 
Ourun) and sometimes taking its place, thus answering to the use 
of .\N in the cuneiform texts of Boghaz Keui. Next comes 
nais or anas, "prince," the translation being more probably "for 
the prince of the god's house " than " the (sacred) tree of the god's 
house, (I) being prince." Under the ide<^raph of "king" which 

' The pillai had the value Ol di (m da ?], as appears from (he new MeT*uh 
insciiptioD (M. LH), wheie (ia line 4) Ihe name of Ihe city of Melid (Malatiyeh) 
la writtea Ma-lid-di (or da). Another city is lujoed in liiLe 5, the name c^ whidi 
also termiDates in di, while the first character had, among other values, that t& or. 
Can the name be that of Arped ? 

* Or perhaps : " ministers of Hadad, Kalu, Amma (f), and Tarkns," or, if -/ 
was the suffix of the third person plural as welt as singular, " Tarkus (and) 
Khalmias have consecrated." Instead of DEJ.-mc-MiA-mi-a-ai we could read 
a-A'Mls-mi-a-{mi)as, and identify the word with the common amis-iHts, since the 
boot, when used ideographical ly for " earth," hod the value olamis, oblique ca«e 
aail'a, whence its phonetic values of mia and mi, 



follows is what looks like a boot turned the wrong way, but it must 
represent either the recumbent leg of Ardistama (M. L, 5.), or T^ 
at (for aia, a/us). The clenched fist which follows me-ay-t (" of the 
city"?) recurs in M. LII, t,, and is an earlier form of Uf (from 
amis "lord"). Then conies Kas-pat Q) AMi-mi I-giaft-a-m's-DET. 
" the Yakhanite of the city of Kaspat." It was of Yakhan that the 
Hamathite princes call themselves kings (M. IV, A and B i, VI, i.), 
and we learn from the Assyrian inscriptions that its territory extended 
to Aleppo. 

III. Dr. Messer SCHMIDT has lately published {Coffus Inscrifi- 
tionum HettUUarum, 2nd Suppl,, No. LIII.) the inscription found 
on the base of a column at Nigdeh. It reads ; ue-ues-a asi-uatt s-il 
a-na-i i-uas-i-ta Kva-s-mi-s Kasy-i (i.e., tiesA asin sit anai iesi-ta 
amismis Kasyi), "this stone has the king erected in the temple, 
being lord of Kas." 

IV. Dr. Messerschmidt has also published (No. LI) the in- 
scription discovered by Dr. Belck on an obelisk at Bogcha, about 
35 miles west of Kaisariyeh. It begins with the words a-me Kha/y- 
mi-i-s, " I am of the land of the Halys." In the second line we have ; 
"making of stone for Sandes alone (ue-y), royal (?) stone for the 
king carving in stone {/iQ)y-wes) I have erected (//v) being lord 
(nainis) of the city of the Attanians (?) ; for Atys (Eta) ' a place (?) 
{mi-ay-uan) I have built {mis-wi), obelisks (d.p. is-mi-is) of royal (?) 
stone for the king alone causing to be built {mis-ghy-is) [I have 
erected]." t^, which I have rendered "alone," identifying it with 
uis, "unus," may be a dialectal form of u&, "this." In the third line 
we have : na-mi-is-i a-me-is-mi-ii attt-i-is qa-mi-is-nUa ia-(i)s-is ka-mi-a 
D,P. San-du-ua-s di kit-mia-uan (kamyn) ay it's a-na-a kay ; ay-i-t's a-tia 
aksy-{w)es Jy, " being lord of the roj'al city, king of the gate-land, 
who has made the monument, a Sandian, the work of the column 
I alone for the king have made ; I alone for the king building of stone 
have erected." In amis-mia (from amis-mis, which is spelt in different 
ways in M. IX, j, a-mi-is-mi-is, XXXI, A, a-mi-{m)is-ur.-mi-^, 
XXXII, 4, i-'W'-J-ff"'-''. XXXIII, 3, amis-mia, &c.), aswell as ina/w/V, 
and kamis-mia, uas clearly has the ^'alue of is. So <D ntia is mi 
(as in the name of Carchemish, M, I, 3), while in this Bogcha 
inscription, in a-me-is-mia, at the end of line 3, it interchanges with 

' Oi perhaps .^tamij, if the boot has heru ih: value of mi instead ol 11. 



mi-a. Amis-mis is more probably " lord," from amis " mighty," than 
"citizen" from nmw "a city."* "Gate-land" seems to be used as 
in the Vannic inscriptions of a country where there was a pass. In 
line 4 ay-i-is "unus" is written v-(m)is. The end of the inscription 
seems to be : "I have made of stone ; table[s] of offerings and 
dish[es] dedicating («a[tV]) I alone have made." Anas, "king," 
refers to the god. 

V. The new inscription from Mer'ash, published by Dr. Messer- 
SCHMIDT(LII), contains the nameof lati {/-a/(0-«'-'>, line i; I-al-a-si- 
uan, line z ; I-af . . , line 4), which, as I have already said, is the Yaeti 
of Shalmaneser 11. In the first line the name is written I-a-atu-y-uan- 
DET. * "The nine Hittite cities " are mentioned in lines 2 and 4, and 
in line 2 the numeral II is furnished with its phonetic equivalent tua-a 
(or, with the grammatical sutlix, fuassa). In line 3 we have the 
picture of a cut stone, which I formerly identified wrongly with a» 
(the quiver) on the Izgin Obelisk, thereby obtaining the word nii-iai 
for "stone." The word for stone is really a^su or gissy. In lines 
3 and 4 the reading is amei San{da)-*-mi-i/(u)-mi-is-s ii-is mia 
na-a-{m)is-si-si DiLT.-na-KA-o-{w)i-i nii-a-{w)i-si atu Ma-lid-di-nu-i, 
" I (am) the San , . mitian who has erected the place of the people 
of the prince, being prince of princes {or of the people of the prince), 
king of Melid." The latter name seems to show that the column 
had the value of di (or dii). For the termination -nus (or nys), 
cf. M. VII, I. 1, Uan-ka-nyi ("the pavement of the gate of Unqa"). 
In line 3 we probably have the phonetic reading of the word for 
" dirk-bcarer," which, in this case, would be amesi{s). The word 
seems to recur in line 5 : amesi-si-{u)an isi isimiya, " the high-place 
of the high-place (or temple) of the dirk-bearers"; cp. M. XXIII, 
■A, 2, 3, ysimiya iD-am{t)-s-si-is-mi. (In the earlier part of this 
latter line we have the genitive plural y-Ki-si-maa-{u)an.) Finally 
in line i we must read [G^Aa-] ii-li-ys-si-i-mia, "land of the Hittites," 
as in iM. XXV, i. 

VI. In the Karabuma inscription (M. XLVI) nais (na-is-i) is 
given as the equivalent of ^ ._^ "king" (lines i and 3). In the 
same inscription I (J) ^^{J in line 2 is written ui-is-ms-a-mis in line 3 ; 

' Or docs ii raean " the dirk -bearer,'" i.i., " Ihe priesl"? Amtsis seems 10 
be the word for "dirk-beaier " ; see infra. 
• The same name ii found in M. XXV, %. 


S.S.A. FriKtedings,/une, 1908. 





















= J 


















hence the boot here is amis, "the earth." This explains the inter- 
change of ^^3 and ^ in M. VI, 4 and V, 2. With uismia-mis which 
must be read iii'smias, cp. uis-mia, M. X, 6. 

VII. The name in the Bowl Inscription (M. I, 3) I have hitherto 
transcribed Is- (ur Isi-) Tarkus, since the name of the god is that 
which is attached at Kasili Kaya to the figure of the divine repre- 
sentative of Boghaz Keui, and is accompanied by the. figure of a 
goat. The goat-god of Cilicia, however, as we now know from the 
cuneiform tablets of Boghaz Keui, had there the title of Khattu, or 
Khatii, the Hitiite cities being deified. Hence it is probable that 
on the Bow! we ought to read Is-Khattu. If so, since the bowl was 
dedicated to " Sandes the Atunian," the dedicator may be identical 
with Us-Khitti of Atuna, or Tuna, who became the vassal of Tiglatli- 
pileser IV. The whole inscription I should now transcribe and 
translate as follows : t/aa kuin agtssi ud w.-uan Sandayi isi-ta Alun6i 
kuwi Js-Khatt!\s) anSyis ammia-tu asimiyas khalliti kasyme ist-miya 
Khalmi-misi Karkamisi, " this work of the stone-cutters {or of stone), 
namely this bowl, for the temple of Sandes the Atunian I have made, 
(even I) Is-Khattu, the king of this land, providing water-basins for 
the temple of the Carchemishian god the son of Khalmias." Asimfya, 
"water-basin," occurs again in the lower inscription at Ivriz, 





The .ruins of Masamvarat es-Sufra and Naga are the Southera- 
itiost remains known of that strange N^o-Egyptian cinlization that 
flourished from the time when the priests of Amon fled Southwards 
from Thebes, down to the period when Egypt became a Roman 
province. The first named locahty is so called from the table-like 
depression in the hills in which it is situated, the Arabic meanii^ 
"The sculptured stones of the table top." It lies one day's camel 
ride almost due South of the town of Shendy, and as the river nins 
South-^Vest by West from Shendy, Masaivwarat es-Sufra is situated 
well out in the desert. The first part of the journey is monotonous 
enough, although the barrenness of the Egyptian desert is not in 
evidence here, for the whole ground is covered with thickly-growii^ 
"scrub," stunted thorn trees, and bushes, which for a few weeks after 
the rains become a brilliant green, but which quickly return to thdr 
usual gnarled and faded appearance. Some three hours out of Shendy 
on the left are a. few blocks of red sandstone, the remains of a temple, 
but what little is left is in an extremely iveatber-beaten state so that 
not much can be made out of it. A few hours' more ridii^ brings 
the traveller to a gap in a chain of low hills which he has been 
gradually approaching ever since he left Shendy. After the camds 
have scrambled up a steep and stony kfwr a magnificent panorama 
comes into view. The hills form a circle like a giant bowl or cup 
some six to eight miles in diameter, and in the centre lies the rxiincd 
mass of Masawwarat es-Sufra. 

The first Europeans to give us any deflnite account of this site 
were the French archaeologists Cailliaud and Letorzec, who \isited 


S.S./t. Proftedings, Jiin 



Jum 10] KUINED SITES. [igoft 

it in iSii,^ and made plans and sketches, the accuracy of whicb 
considering the then infantine stage of Egyptology is remarkable. 
About the same time they were visited by the English traveller 
HoSKiNS, and some twenty-five years later, in 1844, by Lepsius,* 
who made careful plans and drawings of the reliefs 'for the famousi 
Denkmaler. Since then the only Egyptologists of note who have 
visited the site are Dr. Budce^ and Prof. Schafer, the former of 
whom has written an account of them in his recent book on the 
Sudan. I shall therefore content myself here with giving a few notes 
which I made when I was enabled in the autumn of 1905 to visit 
these ruins and those of Naga in the iromediate neighbourhood!, by 
the kindness of the Sudan Government, for which I was then doing 
some archaeolc^cal work. 

The central feature of Masawwarat es-5ufra is a building raised 
on a platform well above the plain and consisting of a rectangular 
hall with a main entrance to the East, three small entrances to the 
North, and two to the South. It has niches in the West and South 
walls (Plate I, Hg. i). It is surrounded by a colonnade consisting 
of a double row of six columns each on the East side, and a single 
row on the remaining three sides, making twenty-eight in all. If this 
building is a temple, as has been generally supposed, I would point otit 
that it appears to be built on a Greek model and not on an Egyptian 
one. Nevertheless the columns are of the Egyptian lotus capital 
type, and some are rounded inwards at the base. The two rows 
forming the portico on the East side were elaborately carved with a 
fluted design and ornamentations which can scarcely be said to be 
either Greek or E^ptian (Plate I, fig. z). Two still show reliefs 
of Egyptian gods and figures (Plate II, fig. i), but a third has 
round its base a ring of naked boys dancing with their backs to the 
spectator — a thoroughly Greek motif. The reliefs have a certain 
barbaric vigour, but have suffered much from the rain and weather. 
Cailliaud thought that the eight columns of the portico were of 
earher date than the others from their being differently carved and of 
a slightly different tint, but I see no reason why this should be so. 
The difference in the tint of the sandstone is hardly noticeable, and 
would not prevent it coming from the same quarry as the other, 
while the whole plan of the temple, if such it is, seems to be Greek, 

> Cailliaud, Voyage i Miret. 

' Lepsius, Briefe aus Agyfltn, and DenimaUr, VoL V- 

* Bddgb, Tie Egyptian Sudan. 



that is to say a central rectangular building surrounded by a 
colonnade with a portico in front The building is in a very 
stiattered state, but the columns on the North side are in good 
preservation (Plate I, fig. a). The measurements of the area 
occupied by temple and colonnades is about 35 x iS metres. 

Kound the platform on which the temple stands are the debris of 
a number of intricate chambers. To the North, West, and South 
run three long ramparts raised high up above the ground and faced 
on either side with' sandstone masonry, which is carried on up to 
make a double parapet, the top course of which is formed of rounded 
stones. These ramparts are approached from below by sloping 
ramps also faced with masonry. That to the North is about 
70 metres long and has on its Western side a group of chambers. It 
leads to another elevated group of buildings, in the centre of which 
is a structure which may also be a temple. It appears to consist of 
an adytum, an outer chamber containing the remains of four columns, 
and a portico of perhaps eight columns, two of which remain 
standing almost entire, and which are of the plain lotus capital 
order (Plate I, fig. 3). The rampart running to the West, which is 
the best preserved, ends in a small building which may have been 
a guard chamber. Its length is about 50 metres. The rampart to 
the South leads to a group of chambers which were probably, as 
Cailliaud suggests, the living apartments. One of them contains 
the remains of three columns. All round, on every side, are the 
remains of low walls which must have enclosed huge compounds, 
possibly for keeping cattle. 

The buildings face practically East or South- East-East, and, 
including the compounds, cover an area of nearly 250 square yards. 
In front of them, about 60 metres to the East of the platfonn on 
which stands the central temple, is a smalt building which was 
undoubtedly used for religious purposes (Plate II, fig. 2). It is 
only 15 X 12 metres, but appears to have had a portico of four 
columns, according to Cailliaud and Lepsius, in front of it, but 
when I visited the site, scarcely anything could be made out of the 
tumbled debris. On either side of the door are the legs and loins of 
.a male statue, wearingthe archaic short skirt. On the side 'posts are 
the remains of a twisted serpent in low relief similar to one on the 
pyloned temple at Naga. There appear to have been four columns 

Some 100 yards to the South- West are the chaotic remains of a 


S.B.A. PriKcedingi,June, 1908. 



Junk io] RUINED SITES. [190S. 

building consisting of intricate chambers, perhaps a palace or royal 
harlm, away from the main structure. About a quarter of a mile to 
tbe South-East is the dibris of what Cailliaud and Lepsius called 
a small temple, and is chiefly remarkable for the extraordinarj' figures 
carved in relief on some of the columns, of men riding on animals, 
etc, which have all been reproduced in the DtnkntdUr of Lepsius.* 
They represent a style of art which cannot be earlier than the first 
century a.d. 

The date of these buildings I propose to discuss further on. As 
to their use, there have been various suggestions. Cailliaud 
thought that they formed a college, and Hoskins a hospital, neither 
of which views have much to recommend them. Although the locality 
is a long way from the Nile, and there is only one well now in 
the neighbourhood, there is every reason to suppose that at one time 
it was capable of supporting a numerous population if only the 
abundant rainfall during the rainy season were carefully stored and 
used. That this was done to a certain extent, though to how great 
it is impossible to tell until the whole district has been thoroughly 
examined, is proved from the remains of several ancient reservoirs 
that are still to be seen in the neighbourhood of the ruins. As it is, 
to-day, the desert teems with life — gazelle of various kinds, sand 
grouse, etc., while Hoskins was much disturbed by lions, and even 
Lepsius* relates how he saw their spoor, although he did not 
actually see any of the beasts themselves. The latter also states 
that he found natives who had moved to the locality from 
the river after the rainy season and who had utilized the rich 
soil for growing dhurra. Dr. Budge's hypothesis that these build- 
ings were a fortified khan seems the most probable that has 
hitherto been put forward.' The long ramparts with parapets seem 
certainly to have been constructed with a view to defence. They 
almost resemble mediaeval em battlements, and the defenders would 
be raised high above the level of their adversaries. The large com- 
pounds that surround the place and which may have been meant for 
huge cattle pens, were doubtless those in use during peaceful times, 
while those close in under the ramparts would be used during attacks. 
The main drawback to these last, however, is that they do not appear, 
as the ruins now stand, to have had any protection on the North- 

* DeiiimaUr, Vol. V, p. 75. • Srii/t. 

' BuDOl, Egypian Sudan, I, p. 338. 

'95 * » 



West side, although it is quite possible that a rampart might be 
traced with a little excavation. I think that it can be hardly possible 
tliat the large enclosed areas were great tanks or reservoirs althoi^b 
the theory is attractive. Their structural appearance does not seem 
to have been designed for that purpose. The argument that the 
general style of building is too delicate and weak to be meant for a 
fortified place does not appear to be of much weight. It seemed to 
me at least, that the buildings looked solid enough, especially for 
any kind of barbaric warfare. That they are built in a very 
d^enerate form of Romano- Ptolemaic style is of course undeniable, 
although they possess a striking picturesqueness of their own. 

Both these buildings and those at Naga present a striking con- 
trast to the neighbouring pyramid field of Meroe (Plate III, figs, i 
and 2) where nothing is left of any temple or house except the 
pyramids and theit chapels (Plate IV, fig. i). Meroe, it would 
seem, was entirely a city of the dead and connected with their culL 
It is, however, clear that Masawwarat es-Sufra was also connected 
with rel^ion. The small building outside the ramparts with the 
colossal figures before the door was certainly a temple, and so most 
probably was the central building with the colonnade and portico of 
sculptured pillars. It may have also been a palace to which the 
Aethiopian court occasionally moved. 

The position of this site helps us, however, to understand 
best what the buildings were intended for. Naga, which Hes about 
fifteen miles farther South, was probably the most Southern town 
of the late Aethiopian kingdom, and lay on the route which led 
from the Blue Nile and Abyssinia into Egypt. Masawwarat es-Sufra 
would therefore be the connecting post built to link up Naga with 
the river which the route would naturally strike somewhere near 
Meroe, probably more to the South, near what is now Shendy. 
From there traders would pursue their way either by river or across 
the desert to the comparative civilization of Napata. An ancient 
road is also said to lead from Naga to the Blue Nile, and ruins are 
alleged to lie along the route.' One thing further is particulariy 
noticeable about these ruins, and to which we shall return later, when 
we discuss the dates. With the exception of the figures on the portia> 
columns of the central building, the serpents on the side posts of the 
doors of the little detached temple, and the extraordiriary reliefs of 

' Ward, Our Sudan, p. 163. 


S.B.jf. I^vcetdings, Jtittt, i 



S.B.A. Pnxeedinp./un 



Jam lo] RUINED SITES. [190S. 

men riding on animals in the building to the South-East, all the vast 
area of walls and columns remain undecorated. And nowhere has 
there yet been seen a single hieroglyphic sign, Cailliaud, however, 
found an inscription in Meroitic ; and in Latin, on the walls of one of 

the ramps, the following graffito : Vieina post multos annos 

ftUdttr venit ex urbe^ mense Atkyr die xv anni The note 

of some Roman traveller in the wilds ! Most unfortunately the date 
is lost 

A few miles farther brings the traveller out of the great bowl of 
hills in which the above-described ruins lie into a valley, shut in all 
round, in which is situated a picturesque desert well. Leaving this 
valley he descends from the hills again into the plain, and continues 
to travel in a Southerly direction, keeping at the foot of the long chain 
oi gebel on his left, until when about fourteen miles from Masawwarat 
es-Sufra he will come to Naga. 

The whole site of Naga bears traces of a great many buildings, 
and it was doubtless a place of some size ; but the only stnictures 
that are left in any of their entirety are four in number. Down in 
the level of the plain is a temple of the regular Egyptian type with a 
pyloned entrance. Just opposite it is a remarkable building of 
Graeco- Roman style of architecture, with Egyptian decorations 
introduced on the doors and some of the windows. About a quarter 
of a mile up the hill-side is another temple, approached by a flight of 
steps and a dromos flanked on either side by six crio-sphinxes on 
large stone bases. In the centre of the dromos is an altar. Nestling 
under the brow of the gebel iiself is a further building, in such a 
chaotic state of ruin that I could make but little of it 

f do not propose to go into a detailed description of these 
temples, as they have been fully described by Cailliaud, Lkfsiijs, 
and Dr. Budge, but will content myself with giving a rough sketch 
of thdr salient features and discussing some particular points that 
seem hitherto to have escaped notice. Taking first the pyloned 
temple at the foot of the hill (Plate III, fig. 3) : this faces East. On 
the outer wall of each pylon are colossal figures cut in cavo relievo, 
after the conventional Egyptian style, of the king and queen, each 
clubbing a group of enemies whom they hold by the hair (Plates IV 
and V, figs, t and i). The attitude of both the king and queen is 
entirely conventional, and they wear Egyptian dress overloaded with 

* I.: Aleundru, 



ornaments and barbaric detail after the regular style of the Aethiopian 
reliefs. On the outer North wall the king and queen accompanied 
by an attendant stand in adoration before three goddesses and two 
gods, all human-headed and wearing the elaborate £^pto-barbaric 
robes and ornaments typical of this kind of Aethiopian work. On 
the outer South wall is a similar scene, the gods in this case being 
a lion-headed god, a hawk-headed god, two ram-headed gods, and 
a deity who has all the appearance of being the Egyptian Ptal? 
(Plate III, fig. 2). On the outer West wall the king and queen, each 
accompanied by an attendant, stand on the right and left respectively 
of a male deity with three lions' heads, one of which is in full lace 
and the other two in pvfile (Plate III, fig. 2). The reliefs on the 
inner walls are in a very bad state, but are chiefly remarkable for two 
male deities wearing curly beards and represented Jit!/ fate, very 
much after the type of Alexandrine Serapis or Zeus Ammon, and 
also a youth seated on a chair of Egyptian type but crowned with 
the rays of Helios. It is impossible to tell who each of all these 
deities is meant to be, although a few lines of battered but unin- 
telligible hieroglyphic text is carved over each figure. The cartouches 
of the king and queen are, however, well known ; the king's name is 

( y~^ ^r>. ^ 'Z^ 9i 1> "f*'*^*! 's generally read, according to the 
late Nubian values of the signs, Ntftkamen, while that of the queen 
'^ ( $^ !^!^ ^ \. "^^^^ P 1 ' '^^ supposed reading of which is 

It is obvious that the inspiration which guided the style of this 
temple is drawn from Ptolemaic ideals of the most florid period. 
The winged and scaled garments are reproduced with an excess of 
elaboration and detail, while the complicated headgears have all the 
air of those represented on the heads of the Macedonian kings, and 
which were probably never worn at all. At the same time, the full- 
faced bearded deities and the youthful Helios on the interior walls 
are extremely interesting, and must point to Alexandrian influence. 
As this latter had so very little eflf'ect on reliefs of Egyptian temple 
architecture, it comes as all the greater surpiise to find it on the 
Southernmost temple of Aethiopia. It is for this reason, it seems to 
me, that the temple must be very late, and dating from the days of 
the last Ptolemies. That the artists were natives there can be little 
doubt, as they have carefully portrayed all the non.Egyptian details. 


S.S.A. Pr<Kttdmgi,/Hne, 190S. 



Junk to] RUINED SITES. [1908. 

and as the whole thing has so distinctly a style of its own that it is 
impossibk to think otherwise. Another thing worthy of remark in 
connection with the figures on this temple is that there are two 
distinct kinds of clothing. On the outer pylon walls the king and 
queen wear conventional Egyptian dress of the Ptolemaic style, 
albeit elaborated with all the n^ro's love of showy finery. Else- 
where they wear a robe which is not in the least ^yptian, although 
in one case it is depicted decorated with wings, which we may 
believe from a similar gannent worn by an attendant to have been 
winged lions' heads. This robe seems to have been a loose garment 
hanging from the shoulders down to the feet and tied at the neck by 
a tasselled cord. It is worn by the attendants and also by two of 
the gods, and was apparently usually covered with some kind of 
pattern.' Over the right shoulder was worn, probably by the king 
and queen only, a sort of fringed shawl. This dress appears to be 
the general one for royal personages, not only here but at Meroe and 
Napata also, and it is very probable that the elaborate Egyptian 
costume was never worn at all, and is simply a conventional style 
of portraiture adopted for religious purposes and handed down by 
tradition from the time of Taharka. From what remains of the 
reliefs, the jewelry was of^ the most elaborate and barbaric kind, 
Egyptian in design, but in some details curiously like modern Sudani 
work.i" In view of the general idea that the queen took the supremt 
place in the government, it is noteworthy that at Naga the king takei 
precedence of the queen in every case. 

A few yards to the East of the temple described above stands a 
remarkable building in Graeco-Roman style with a doorway and two 
side windows of Egyptian detail ; the rest of the windows are arched, 
the arches being supported by pilasters (Plate V, fig. a). The 
doorway, which is thoroughly Egyptian in style, has an entablature 
decorated with uraei and designs of the winged solar disk ; each of 
the centre side windows is in similar style. On the inner side is a 
relief of two couchant lions. The rest of the building, however, is 

* This robe is also frequenlly decorated by a small ornament that at lirsl sight 
hu the apponoce of a cross, but which is in reality a degenerate form of the 

Egyptian -T* o[ n . The argumenl that it is a symbol of Cbristianily is obriouslj 

" It should be Doted that the detailed drawings in the DenitiiaUr owe much 
of their Roish to rtitBrations l^ the ilraughtsman. The originals are, and must 
ha*e been for • loi^ time, in a very bad stale. 



Roman. The archivoICs on either side of the door have a curious 
moulding;, consisting entirely of rows of projecting bosses, almost 
like certain kinds of Norman work. Those at the side are more 
elaborate and are ornamented with a fioral decoration of what I 
took to be alternate "tongues" and lotus blooms. The sills of 
all the windows have this latter moulding. The columns have 
capitals of debased acanthus leaves, and are grouped in two 
three-quarter columns at the comers. They support a frieze, above 
which was a heavy cornice which has now fallen away. The building 
is clumsy and heavy, and yet obviously much more Roman than 
Egyptian in style. 

Some 350 yards up the hill-side to the East we come to the third 
temple. This is quite Egyptian in style. It is approached by a 
sloping ramp and then a dromos of twelve crio-sphinxes on large 
pedestals, six on either side, and divided in the middle by a la^e 
«tone altar-like construction. These crio-sphinxes have been badly 
Jcnocked about, only one remaining in anything like its original state, 
and even that has been knocked off its pedestal (Plate VI, fig. i). 
Of the temple itself only the three doorways of each of its main 
divisions and one pillar remain in situ (Plate VI, fig. 2). These are 
all covered with very well carved reliefs, in a much purer Egyptian 
style than on any other building at Naga. The scenes, most of 
which represent the king and queen worshipping or dancing before 
Amon and other gods, are accompanied by hieroglyphic texts. In 
this temple neither of the royal devotees are represented as wearing 
the native robe and shawl, or overladen with barbaric ornaments. 
The figures, which are clad in the different ceremonial dresses as 
depicted on the Ptolemaic temples, have little or nothing barbaric 
about them, while the gods might be the work of an Egyptian artist. 
Everything is much more restrained and dominated by Egyptian 
conventionality. The figures and hieroglyphs are all in low relief, 
and the style is obviously inspired by late Ptolemaic or early Roman 
influence. The god principally worshipped is, as one would expect, 
Amon, and he is represented on the reliefs alternately as ram- and 
human-headed. The temple, which differs so surprisingly from 
the pyloned building below, nevertheless bears the cartouches of 
Netekamen and Ammiarit. 

At the lop of the slope, immediately under the stony cliff that 
crowns the ^bel, are the jumbled remains of two or three other 
jjuildings, which are in an almost complete state of ruin. Lepsius^ 


S.B./1. fToettdings,Juae, igo8. 



Jem 10] RUINED SITES. [1908. 

however, was able to read on the doorways of one the cartouche of 
Shankpitah (?), [ Jl[iI^ ^■^l^^fllj ■ Scattered here and 
there over the slope of the hill are also the remains of several other 
buildings, the plans of which Lepsius succeeded in making for the 
DenktnaUr, but which are now in a more or less totally ruined 
condition. There are plenty of evidences that Naga was a large 
place, and there is no doubt that excavations would yield very 
interesting results if the situation and difficulty of obtaining labour 
did not put such insuperable barriers in the way. 

In considering the date of these buildings, it will be best to deal 
first with the pyloned temple in the plain. This probably dates to 
middle or late Ptolemaic times, for reasons that have been stated 
above. While outwardly thoroughly Egyptian, it shows various 
evidences of Alexandrian influence, and this I am inchned to think 
was introduced into Aethiopia by Ergamenes (Arkamen), who was 
educated at the court of Ptolemy Philadelphus, The traditions of 
the native workmen were those of a barbaric imitation of Egyptian 
styles, probably acquired in Egypt, but we see in this temple that 
the royal builders have introduced deities who are probably meant 
to be Greek. It is therefore almost conclusive that they reigned 
after Ergamenes and the introduction of Greek influence, while the 
general style of the ornamentation points to late and degenerate 
Ptolemaic Egyptian influence. The temple dedicated to Amon and 
approached by the dromos of crio-sphinxes bears the same cartouches 
as that of the pyloned temple below, and so must in all probability 
be its contemporary. Nevertheless it differs very considerably in 
style and character, being, as pointed out above, much more 
orthodoxly Egyptian, confined to the worship of Amon and purely 
Egyptian gods, and depicting the royal couple in orthodox Egyptian 
dress, and not in the native robe and shawl overloaded with barbaric 
ornaments. It is possible that the pyloned temple was dedicated to 
a native lion-headed deity who appears at the head of the procession 
of gods on the South wall, and as chief and only god on the West 
vail, with three heads and four arms. Strabo relates that "the 
inhabitants of Meroe worship Hercules, Pan, and Isis, besides some 
other barbaric deity," and this lion-headed god may be the barbaric 
deity in question. It appears, too, that the fame of great Serapis 
must have reached this southern region, and possibly tiiat of Ra or 
Harpocrates, in the Greek form of Helios, for so, as we have seen 



above, two of the reliefs indicate. At the other temple, however, 
was carried on the orthodox Egyptian worship of Amon, before 
whom tradition compelled that the king and queen should be 
depicted wearing the conventional garb assigned to them by the- 
monuments, although probably they never wore them actually. 

The classical temple presents greater difiiculdes. Nearly all the 
architectural works carried on in Upper Egypt for the first two hundred 
years of the Roman Empire were in the native style, and even as late 
as the reign of Antoninus Pius so beautiful a native piece of work as 
the entrance to Medinet Habu was created. There were, of course, 
occasional classic buildings, such as the temple bttilt in honour of 
Antinous by Hadrian,'' but for the most part outside Alexandria the 
old Egyptian traditions prevailed. It is therefore the more astonish' 
ing to come across a building of this kind so far South, when Roman 
style had such little influence in Egypt. The capitals and mouldings 
of the archivults and sills are elaborate, and scarcely p)ermit of the 
building being earlier than the end of the second century ; indeed, 
their semi-floral pattern almost point to Syrian influence, if that were 
only possible. The general state of the country, however, would not 
permit of the building being as late as the time of Diocletian, after 
which date the country speedily lapsed back into utter barbarism. 
The Egyptian details, too, prohibit it from being much later than 
350 A.D., and it is therefore probable that its date must be placed 
somewhere between aoo-zs© a.d. Considering how little influence 
Rome had over this part of the world during that period, it seems as 
if the builders must have been natives who had gained their know- 
ledge in Alexandria, and it stands as another example of the adaptive 
and imitative power of the semi-civiliied negro. 

Returning now to the ruins of Masawwarat es-Sufra, it seems 
probable that here we have buildings which lie some time between 
the Egyptian temples and the classic construction of Naga just con- 
sidered. We have again Alexandrian influence, where the predomi- 
nating style is nevertheless Egyptian. The place, however, is bare of 
hieroglyphics, and what Egyptian moti/s do remain are so thoroughly 
degenerate as to point to the knowledge of Egyptian things being on 
the wane. On the other hand, the place was in existence when the 
country was still accessible lo Roman travellers, as proved by the 
inscription found by Caiu-iaud and Letorzkc The general Style 

" See Deicri/IUH di tigyfte. 


JoNB lo] RUINED SITES. [1908. 

and appearance also beais out the view that the buildings must 
'belong to some period of the first century, probably the latter half. 
I am led to this view owing to the total lack of hieroglyphics, 
although panels are carved to receive them above the figures of gods 
on the columns of the portico in front of the central building. There 
is no knowledge of the arch, which precludes any actual Roman 

At these sites, therefore, Masawwarat es-Sufra ancT Naga, we have 
the last and most Southerly stage of that strange imitative negro 
civilization which was founded at Napata. It existed long enough 
to be influenced by Roman ideals in architecture at least, and at 
Naga we probably have the most southerly Egyptian temple and the 
most southerly Roman building, side by side, that there is. in 




Bv W. E. Crum. 

This ostracon (which is published at the request of the 
Secretary of the Society) belongs to Dr. Colin Campbell It is a slice 
of white limestone, 9x11 cm. in size. The script, though closely 
resembling Hands ' A ' and ' D ' in my Ostraea,^ is not, I think, 
identical with either. The writer is probably not the bishop, so 
often occurring there ^ for, though the bishop too calls himself simply 
'the humble,'* he would not speak of himself as his correspondent's 
'son' or employ such subservient greetings. The ostracon should 
date from about the year 600. 

JlK/e. Veno. 

•f 2Aee ueM un:9A- f :saijat nTu 

xe TMnpocreuei ne- BTAPAnH nasi uij- 

SAOfT HorpHTe TeKuuei- nATepuorre urxoor 


5. TA cuoT Miu eneiAe atqkuh- 5. uoc htataat nat taac 


eqeipe [ujnpoconoM mta- .. u* ziTMneq^Hpe 


Zi.z\y .... siu)M- Xic f 

10. e A[n]A[Tep]uoTTe 

.... ZAZTM ' 

'Before (+ ^eV) words, \ do obeisance (irpo<rj>:iii'ti»>) unto the sweet- 
ness of the feet' of thy honoured and in all ways holy fatherhood. 
Since (*V«ii^) thy fatherhood hath sent David out to me, as 

' Coptic Oitreua, pp. xiv, xv. On the date of these hands, v. Bril. Mas., 
Calal. ofCoptk MSS., p. u, n. a. 

* Crum, Ostr., nos. 61 and (?) 59, Berlin Ostt. P. 8727. 

* Probdbly an eranire. 

' ^AOGT Nmilarlj in Ckuu, «/. eit., dos. 195, asj, 398. 



representing (- rpooa/rov) Tagap$ • cause to feai 

sick (?), Patennoute did before me (?) (verso), till sucb 

time as Tagap£ shall come with Patennoute and thou send 
this tablet (rXaf) unto me, I am ready (cnx/tot) to ^ve them 
to them.T 
Give it unto my beloved, honoured father, from his son the humble 
(cXaxivToc) Abraham.' 

' This Dame in Brit. Mbs. Ca/a!., no. 406, Crum ef. HI., no. 450, Tu^aiefp's. 
OltTac& in Bull, de CAead. Imp. 1899, no. 13. 

'' Does this imply that the present oitracon was subsequently to be produced 
as a witness or reminder of an earlier agreement? On ii\ii v. Cruu, gp. cit.^ 
p. xi, andKRALL, BUmyiru. Nubur {DaHofiu. xlvi), p. 3, note. 




Bv A. F. R. Platt, M.B. 

Two explanations of the origin of the word Elephantine are 
current One is that the island (or city on it) was the centre of the 
ivory trade, which is not very convincing. The other is that the 
Egyptians first saw elephants in the neighbourhood. There are 
difficulties in accepting this if the elephants were wild, because the 
Nile Valley in Nubia or Egypt was not, in historical times, a suitable 
habitat for the animal which requires laige tracts of forest. 

There is a third possible explanation not less plausible than the 
other two. 

At Assuan the intrusion of the granite into the sandstone breaks 
up the Nile into a series of rocks and rapids, extending some five miles 
up the river, to form what is known as the First Cataract. This granite 
has been split up and weathered into rounded water-worn masses, 
often covered with a dark grey or black shiny deposit of manganese 
dioxide. In many of them " pot-holes " have been scoured out when 
the Nile was much higher and swifter. These holes vary in depth 
and position, some are deep, vertical and conical, such as that near 
the Nilometer on Elephantine ; others are lateral and often mere 
shallow depressions. 

Some of these rocks present a curious resemblance to elephant^ 
the general outline of the rock corresponding to that of the animal; 
while the proboscis, legs, tail, ears, and eyes may appear more or 
less clearly according to the position, number, depth, and arrange- 
ment of the shadows formed by the pot-holes and other markings, 
and particularly by the direction and amount of light. 

Sometimes only the head, trunk, and an eye can be made out, as 
on the Southern extremity of the Island of Elephantine; some- 
times a whole animal or a group of them appears. They occur 
both in profile and with head or stern directed towards the spectator. 
When close lo the water they look as if walking down to drink. 

There is a remarkable group to be seen from the terrace of the 
Cataract Hotel on a little island just to the left of and South of 


S.H.A. ProeeediagStJutu, 190E. 

o « s 
o 6 -J 

3 I I- 

B i I 


° % I 

= 5 ^ 

B .-J 

c> 5 a 

■" a § 

S I 
3 ' I 




Elephantine. As tbe sun sinks behind the Western hills, and direct 
light ceases lo fall on the rocks, they stand out very clearly. 

This essential condition as to light unfortunately renders it 
impossible to take a satisfactory photograph at the most favourable 
moment, and the accompanying view shows little more than the 
group of rocks in question (immediately above the arrow). 

A common form of the word Elephantine is T J ^ © which 
e«dently refers to the city. I do not know of any example 
with the ' > island sign. Another common form (as for example 
in the Xllth dynasty tomb of Sa renput at Assuan (No, 31)) is 
9 J] ^ CiiO or 3^ (v~3. In the still older Vlth dynasty 
inscription of Una, he tells us that he obtained stone from 
four different quarries j-^ v (Turah, near Helwan), 

fl J ra "^ {wi ''^**''^'^' Q ^ r=a Ci^ (Hat Nub, near Tell 
El Amarna), and 9 J 3^ %, iwi (Elephantine). The quarry 
determinative does not occur in any of them, but they all have 

the 'V«er/Ai//" sign |VAj. The conclusion is that T Ji<^ V^ fwo 
means not the island, but the " District of the Ekphanl Rocks" or 
Elephant Hills — so called from their resemblance to the animal. 

Long before Una's time granite was quarried at Assuan, and lat^e 
quantities have been removed from the rocks, where the channel is 
narrowest both on the Elephantine and Assuan side. It is possible 
that here, in ver>' early times, existed a bold outstanding rock or group 
of rocks, which still more strikingly resembled an elephant (or 
elephants') than those which remain at the present day. As the 
elephant does not appear to have been a sacred animal, such rocks 
may have long since been quarried away. 

I hope members of the Society may know of facts in favour 
of this Petrous derivation of the word Elephantine, for without 
confirmatory evidence this " elephant " hypothesis, like the other two, 
must remain as nebulous as Hamlet's camel, weasel and whale. 

' In lhi$ connection it would be inteiesting to know if tbe word occurs in 
fall plural fonn, witb the depbont written three timet. 



The next Meeting of the Society will be held or> 
Wednesday, November nth, 1908, at 4.30 p.m., when the 
fallowing Paper will be read : — 

E. R Ayrton, Esq.: "The recently excavated Tomb 
of Hor-em-heb." 

T^ Paper will be illustrated by Lantern-slides. 






(MEUBERS, 611. 


(Postage, vL) 




The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates irom 

[Shalmaneser II, B.C. 859-825,] 

Fan V (the final pan), with Introduction and descriptire lettei-press, 
has now been issued to the SubscrilieTs. 

A few complete copies of the book remain unsold and can be 
obtained on application to the Secretary. 


Society of Biblical Archaeology. 

37, Great Russell Strbbt, London, W.C 

COHNCIL, 1908. 

Prof. a. H. Satcs, D.D., 4c 
Vice- Praiiitnti. 
Thb Most Kkv. His Grace The Lord Archbishop o* Vqrk. 
Thb Right Rev. the Lord Bishof of Salisbury. 
The Most Hon. the Marquess of NORTHAAfprOH. 
Thb Right Hon. trb Earl of Halsburv. 
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hacknev. 
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Rev. J. Marshall, M.A. 
Joseph Pollard. 


Kev. Charles James Ball, M.A. Claodb G. Montbpiokb. 

Dr. M. Gastbr. Prof. E. Kaville. 

F. Ll. Griffith, F.S.A. Edward S. M. Psrowmk, F.S.A. 

H. R. Hall, M.A. Rev. W. T. Filter. 

Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.LE., P, Scott-Mowcriefp, M.A. 

F.R.S., &c R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. 

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Prof. G. Maspbro. F.R.S., &c 

Hanaraty Trtaairir — Brrnard T. Bo^AMQtiBT, 

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Heturary Zn^mrioK— Walter L. Nash, M.R.C.S. lEmg.), F.S.A. 







Sixth Meeting, November iitk, 1908, 



Prof. A. H. Savcb, i).i?.— Hitdle luscriptioiis from Uurun 
and EmirGhazi. (2 Plates) aii-aao 

Thk Rbt. C H. W. Johns, M.A.—Oa the Length of the Month 

ia Btbrlonia • 221-230 

E. O. WiNSTBDT.— Coptic Sdnts and Sinners 231-337 

L. W. Kino, M^.—Sm^a 1, King of Kiih, and Shar-glmi- 
iharri, Eii^orAkkad 23S-242 

The Rev. C. J. Ball, HI.A.—\ Phoenkion Inscription of 

B.C 1500 f. 243, 244 

R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. — An Assyrian Incantation 

againM RlieumBtiga] {catUimitd) 245-251 

37, Gkbat Russbll Street, London, W.C 


37, Grbat Russell Strbet, London, W.C. 


I, Put 

I. I. 

IftBben. Mcmlim. 

Vol VI, 1 
» tVII, 
•■ VII, 

.. vn, 

„ VIII, 
» VIII, 
i. VIII, 



Voli. I— XXVIl, Price* od ipplkation lo the Secteuiy. 



1906 ... 13 6 


Put 3 

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. xxvin. 


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, XXIX, 

Fart I 

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Pan 4 

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, XXIX, 


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„ XXIX, 


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Part I 

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A few complete seta of the Transactions and Pioceedings still remain on 
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F.S.A., 37, Great Rnsiell Street, Londoo, W.C. 






Sixth Meeting, Novettiber I llh, 1908. 
F. LEGGE, Esq., 

[No. ccxxvii.] 209 s 



The following gifts to the Library were announced, and 
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : 

From the Author, \V. S, Auchincloss, Esq. — "The Book of 
Daniel Unlocked," and "Chronology of the Holy Bible." 

From the Author, Prof. Dr. A. Wiedemann, — " Jahresberichte der 
Geschichtswissenschaft." XXIX. 1906. 

From Dr. T. Smolenski. — "Origins of the Jewish-Christian 
Literature." By Ignacy Radlinski. (In Polish.) 

From W. E, Crum, Esq. — "Grab-und Denksteine des mittleren 
Reichs." Part II; a/x/ " Bijoux etOrffeveries." Being volumes 
of the " Cat. G^n. du Mus^e du Caire." 

From the Author, the Rev. F, C. Norton. — "A Popular Hand- 
book to Assyriology." 

From the Author, The Hon. Emmeline Plunket — 
"The Judgment of Paris." 

A, Heber-Percy, Esq., Hodnet Hall, Salopi 
Harold Holmes, Esq., Marlinhoe, N. Devori, 
\V. Moir Bryce, Esq., Edinburgh. 

were elected Members of the Society. 

The following Paper was read : — 

E. R. Ayrton, Esq.: "The recently excavated Tomb erf 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 





Bv Prof. A. H. Savce, D.D. 

Gunin, called Guriania by the Assyrians, Gauraina in clas^cat 
gei^raphy, ties on the modern road Trom Sivas to Albistan, and at 
the northern end of the early road which led from Mer'ash to the 
Tokhma Su and the valley of the Euphrates. There are two Hittite 
inscriptions engraved on the rocks in the pass to the N.W. of the 
town which were discovered by Sir Charles Wilson in 1879. In 
1882 he visited the place again with Prof. Sir W. Ramsav who 
took impressions of the inscriptions, and also eye-copies of them. 
These were published in the Recueil de Travaux relatifs i laPkilologit 
tt d rArc/Uologie igyptienttes et assyriennes XIV, i, 2 (1892). Little, 
however, could be made out of the shorter of the two inscriptions, 
and a photograph which was taken of it unfortunately proved to be 
a failure. Hence I have never been able to make use of the texts, 
beyond pointing out that they were the work of a king of Carchemish. 

Last summer M. G. de Jerphanion* succeeded in taking an 
excellent photCKsraph of the shorter inscription, the result being that, 
■with the help of Sir W. Ramsay's copy of the longer text, I am now in 
a position to give a fairly complete copy of the whole. This is 
attached to the present paper (Plate I). The inscription is important, 
not only historically but also from the point of view of Hittite 
decipherment. The variations between the shorter and the longer 
texts are more especially of value. 

" The inscriptions," says Sir William Ramsay, " are N.W. of 
the town, at the lower end of a very narrow gorge through which the 
Tokhma Su forces its way. Both are a short distance up the slope 
on the right bank of the stream. No. i (the shorter text) is cut on 
the face of a cliff, hanging slightly over a natural recess ; a little to 
the left is a small spring. The inscription is about 15 feet above the 
ground ; the symbols, cut in high relief, are disposed in four panels, 
and cover a space of about 4 feet by 3 No. 2 is cut, not 

■ Pnxttdings. Vol. XXX, p. 42. 

311 S 2 



like No. I on the clifTs through which the river makes its way, but on 
the face of a mass of rock, which projects amid the dibris in front 
of the cliff, a little higher up the slope than No. i. The symbols are 
in six panels, and worn almost entirely away, so much so that, on 
the rotten surface of the stone, they appear rather as depressions than 
projections. They are lai^er than those in No. i, and less care- 
fully cut" 

Sir William Ramsay's eye-copies vary in a few particulars from 
the published copies which were made from a comparison of them 
with the impressions. The variations, however, are of slight 

The first line of the shorter inscription is gone ; but the longer 
inscription enables us to restore it, with the exception, unfortunately, 
of the royal name : 

I. [det.-DET. Sanda det.-DET. {Ma)-mi det.-DET, {Aytu-DET. 
[To the supreme gods Sandes, Mamis (or Ammis) and Atys 
. . . -uan (?) ASi-yas-si-yas], 

. . . uan (?), the son of the sanctuary], 

3. [dET.]-ID. [ANA-«a-_}'(7j] DET.-ID. [dET.-ID 

the king [great], the supreme . . , [the dirk-bearer 
Kar-ka-nie-i-si-l yas-vsi. [rET.-zin-M] ana-na- 
of Carchemish], [the high-priest] 

3. VA-a-yai am-[>m'\-yas-i}Zi. VKi.-Kati-a-na-yas AfarQ)-[ia}]uaii- 

great, of the land of the Kasians, in the dty of 

DET.-Za JCasi-mia-DKT.-MiA iD-yas 
Maroga (7) the Kasian people ruling, 

4. . . . DET. iX-miyas-mAS yas-i-y ii-y-mia {?) Mar iJ)-ia-{?) 
. . . supreme over the 9 states, this inscription for Mar- 

-/ IX a-mia [ya-me-a\- 

oga (P), of the 9 states [here] 

5. DET.-[>'i'] na {?)->'ar (?) . . -DET. . . . [det.] mivnA-tni-a-iatS 

the pass, [I have made], being minister 

DET.-DET. Sanda DET.-DET. ^a-ff»'-MI-MAMI DET.-DET. 

of the supreme gods Sandes, Mamis or (Ammis) and 

ID.-DET.-/tt DET.-ID. , . . 

Atys the god (s). 


S.B.A. Pruteediri!^, Nor., n 


C "fa 





= f e 

-<-\\ :r 


® "t? 




1. Sir W. Ramsay's eye-copy of the longer text (Plate 11) correctly 
gives the symbol of Sandes at the beginning of this line, as in line 5. 

The hame of the goddess in No. 2 seems to be written ^> '^'t 
in which case the first character would have the value of ma or am 
instead of a/u as I have supposed. But the exact form of this first 
character is questionable, and it may be intended for the feather 

head-dress, 7 \, which I found rising from the top of the head of 

the so-called " Niob£ " on Mount Sipyios. 

The name of Atys in No. 2 is written with the character tu or 
iua, followed by the ideograph of twol^s walking, which I have long 
since shown must represent Atys. Here we have proof that I was 
tight. A character, probably a, has been lost between the deter 
minative of divinity and tu. On the divine names see further the 
note on line 5. 

The same title asi-yas-si-yas is found in one of the Carchemish 
inscriptions (Messerschmidt XV), where it is written asi-s-si-i (in 
the genitive). Yas, therefore, should probably be read U here, as is 
certainly the case in some of the later inscriptions. Since the last 
character is the equivalent of JT in the next line, I give it the same 
phonetic value. 

2. The first character in Sir W. Ramsay's copy should probably 
be corrected into the usual form tp^. The restorations in this line 
are ulcen from his copy of the longer text. 

I have found the ideograph of " dirk-bearer " interchanging with 
the title amis, which will therefore be the equivalent of it JVu-is or 
nu-mis (" the consecrated one ") is the title assumed by the Hamath 
princes ; perhaps it should rather be read ^-mis. 

3. Possibly we should read and translate JCas? anat's "king of 
Kas " instead of £as(-a-na-yas. The oblique line is not u, but 
interchanges with »', at ail events in the older texts, and is represented 
in Assyrian by e (as on the TarkondSmos seal). Hence it is best 
expressed by £ or « or the Welsh y. 

The animal's head in line 4 may be intended for ka, and the 
quiver with the double line may be an abbreviation of the quiver 
crossed by two arrows which has the value of mar, ^t- Hence 
we could read the name of the city as Mar{u)-ka, and identify it 
with the classical Maroga, now Maragos, which was not far from 
Gurun. However, Sennacherib, in a letter to his father, couples Nagi-u 



or Nagi, vith Gunania, and since the quiver had the value of nv or 
iii, we might read NSga. Unfortunately the animal's head does not 
exactly resemble any of those I have met with in the inscriptions. The 
name of the city is omitted in Sir W. Ramsay's copy of the longer text. 

The proper value of Q was mia, written miya in the cundform 
texts, see P.S-B.A,, June, 1908, p. 183. The boot, when it signified 
" the earth," was called amia (or am/iiia) ; this became the phonetic 
values mia and mi. In the Emir Ghazi texts Kasi-mia is written 
Ka-sii-mia, with ([) for Cbs», and the oblique stroke (as in this 
passage) replaced by t. 

I do not know whether we should write (Mark})-uan-ta or 
{Mark f)-uan-itk-la. 

4. The same title, "supreme over the nine (states)," is given to 
the god Aramis by the Carchemish king Khalmi-*-me (M. X, a). 
Since the word amia, " state," is expressed further on in the line, 
mias may not be the suffix of the numeral, but should be read amias. 

Yas-i " this " is used in a similar way in the Emir Ghazi inscrip- 
tions, P.S.B.A., June, 1908, where I have transliterated the word 
ues-i. It should, however, \3^yasi oj yesi, the sibilant being probably 
[uronounced like z. In the photograph the traces of the following 
character show that it is the graving-tool, *^ {ideograph '^). 

Ya-me-a is from Sir W. Ramsay's copy of the longer text, like_j'i', 
which I cannot explain, at the beginning of the next line. 

5. Only the right-hand portion of the animal's head is preserved 
according to the photograph. After the ideograph of "gate " (which 
seems to be used in the sense of a " pass," as in the Vannic 
inscriptions) we should expect the suffix ta "in." The characters 
preceding the ideograph ought to give its phonetic reading. 

In M. XLVI, 2, 3, nd-a-yas seems to be " towers," Perhaps we 
should translate : " [in] this fortress of the nine (Hittite) states," 
Sennacherib describes Nagi-u as " the fortress of the Highlands " 
(^irfe bur-bur). * 

In Sir W. Ramsay's copy of the longer inscription the leg inter- 
venes between mia and mi-a. Meim's, memias, will therefore be the 
phonetic equivalent of the ideograph, and not adt or adu, as I 
formerly conjectured. In the Arzawa tablets mtmis, memian, signifies 
" servant," " minister." 

' Unless birti stands for biril, the translation being " the district between 
the Highlands and Gamir." 



At Carchemish (M. XI, 5), the king, who is possibly the king 
also of the Gumn texts, calls himself mi-mA-mi-a-MiAS, i.e., memias, 
" servant " of three gods, whom I have long since shown to be the 
triad of father^od, mother-goddess, and son Atys. The father-god 
is denoted by the numeral X, which in Assyrian represents the god 
Hadad. On the Babylon stela (M. 11) Sandes is identified with the 
Syrian Hadad; this will explain why the numeral X became bis 
symbol in Syria. The mother-goddess is not represented (in 
M. XI, 5) by Ji^a/u, ^^^, as I have hitherto supposed, but by the 
ideograph that immediately follows the numeral, since it is the same 
ideograph as that which in our Gurun texts is attached to the 
phonetically-written name of the goddess Ammia (or Mami). Katu 
must, therefore, represent Atys, either as being " the Kataonian " 
god, or because the character Kafu had the secondary value aiu, 
just as tt mias was also as and U amis was also is. Whether the 
picture of the sky (?) over the circle of the earth represents am or 
ma cannot be decided; both forms, Mami and Ammia, could be 
supported by Greek inscriptions and writers.^ 

The boot, after the picture of the two legs, is the determinative of 
"walking," as in the newly-discovered inscription of Emir Ghazi. 

The close similarity between the formulae of the Gurun inscriptions 
and those of the two Carchemish texts, Messerschmidt XI and XV, 
suggests the probability that they alt belong to the same king of 
Carchemish and Kas, whose name seems to have been Sunna-mes 
or, less probably. Dimes, They are records of an expedition which 
he made to the North; beyond the borders of the Hittite territory. 

In 1908 Prof. Sir W. Ramsav discovered two more Hittite 
inscriptions at Emir Ghazi (Ardistama) : one of them is a fragment 

^ The form Ammia, however, seems preferable, since the idet^raph is 
apparently the same as that which constitutes part of the leiritorial name in 
M. IV, A 3, and which axxordingly would read Na-animi-gka-s, Kamniighas, 
" Of the land of Nammi," An Amorite in the Tel el-Am«rna ]etters (W. and 
A. 50, Rev. 38) bears the similar name of Nimroakhi. Perhaps we have the 
name of the country in the shorter Hamath inscription (M. IV, B 3), Na-mi-a- 
na-(nii];-DBT., with whicb the personal name Namya-waia in the Tel el-Amama 
letters may be compared. * 




only, but the other is on the base of another mushroom-like altar, 
and the larger part of it is preserved. The first line, however, which 
presumably ran round the edge of the altar-table is lost, as well as 
a line at the foot of the base, which has been cut off. The following 
is my reading of the text, derived from a squeeze with the help of 
photographs and an eye-copy made by Sir W. Ramsay. Line i, it 
must be remembered, is probably the first line only on the base, 
and the second line of the whole inscription : — 

1. J/b-MlA-ffiJ-a-j-MlAS ID. DET.- . . -mios nd-a-me 

I Mamias, of the Atys-table the priest this 

ID. ID. -DET. DET.-a-RA-M»> uan-tttiy O-iAlK 

altar, of the Flower-city being king, the place of the sacred tree 

i-si-is mi-si .... 

having planted, have built .... 

2. Aa-oKfl-DET. ka-mia-u\\ ka-i-s mi-si-DET. . . me (?) 
for the city of Kana the monument making have built ; 

.... tnia ka-mia-a-yas ID. . . -i 

.... monuments (?), viz., an altar for the sacred ram (?) 

iir (f)-si Ka-si4-miya ID, tir-\st\ 

of the sanctuary, of the Kasians the Tarkus (?) sanctuary, 

Ka-si-i-lmiya] n&- . . -a-tiiias ana (?) . . am-mia (?) 

of the Kasians the . . . for the king (?) of the city (?), 

Ka-si-i-miya ka-mi-a ana-i-yas (?) 

of the Kasians the monument, being king (?) 

3. Ka {?)-ana . . -si me-si Li-mia-{mia)s 

of the Kanians (?) I have built. . The walls of the . . . 

aKT.-Uan-amtya Kasi-i-miya Ka-ana-mia a-(fl)na 

of the city of Uan, for the Kasians' (and) Kanians' king 

ID. mi-si-DET. , . -yas (?)-/- . . -mia 

a monument I have built : .... 


S./I./I. Prnr-vciliiii.'s, Nov 



(^ e 


©5 e 











. s-yas am {?)-mi- . . - 
erecting, a throne 

T>ET.-mi-a .... 

the place of the god . . . 
II iiOTi-i'-DET. l\-ami-{mi)a id.-» 
for the two cities' Sun-god 

4 AMiA Afa-ine-DZT.-mi-ni Uan-mi-a 

In the city of Mamias, of the place of the God 

liijymi-yas (?) yas-i m. iD.-n 

the walls (?) for this altar, being the ram-fetish's 

KEMi-mi-{mid)-s iAAmia-{ia)n amia 

servant in the city of the Mamoassians, 

DET.-ID ara-mi Kas-ian 

Ram-god the king of the Kasians 

[I have erected]. 

for the Kasians' 

ka-is atus 

making as king 

5. [Ma-] tni-a-mK-{mia)s Ka-[si-i-miya anas] yas-i ID. 
I Mamias, the Kasians' king, this altar 

Tark-ka ka-i ka-mi-a\ia)tt-da ttr {i)-a 

for Tarkus hare made, by way of a monument in the sanctuary, 

DET.-mi-DET.-is OET.-Aram-i det. San-da 

being priest of the gods Aramis (and) Sandes, 

MEMIAS [DET.-5i'-] mt DET. Atut DET.-ID. DET.-Ammia 

servant of Simi (and) Atys, dirk-bearer of Ammia 

the queen of the rock. , 

I. The spelling of the name of the king shows that I was right in 
believing that it should be read Mameas, Mamias, — Mamoas in 
Greek, — and settles the phonetic value of the ass's head. 

In these inscriptions the Sun-god Atys is represented by a phallus 
placed on the table on which, in Hittite reliefs, bread and wine are 
usually set, with the deity and the worshipper partaking of the 
sacriticial meal on either side (see P.S.B.A., May, 1906, p. 95), 
Whether the name of Atys was applied to the god at Emir Ghazi is of 



course uncertain. The difference in meaning between the demon- 
stratives ^<!-otm and nA-mis has yet" to be determined. 

The hieroglyph which I have supposed to be a picture of a 
flower may be intended for a pomegranate. 

I. The value of ana for p3 is given in M. X, 8. The city of 
Kanna is placed by Sir W. Ramsay in the close neighbourhood of 
Khasbia and Emir Ghazi. He identifies Kasi with Khasbia. The 
Kasi-miya, or " Kasians," have left their name in the classical Kases, 
the Kusa of the Assyrians, who describe them as the inhabitants 
of Cappadocia south of the Halys. 

3. In M. II, 2, 3, 5, Umias seems to signify "walls." 

Kasi and Kana appear to be " the two cities " of the end of the 
line, which were so closely connected with one another as to be 
under the protection of the same Sun-god. The attachment of the 
numeral "two" shows that the duplication of a word in the Hittite 
script denoted the dual. We should probably read ami here, t being 
in this case the termination of the dual. 

4. This line is practically a repetition of line i of the first Emir 
Ghazi altar (A) and lines i, 3 of the second altar (B). The 
variations are : (i) ® for the phonetic ^, (3) " the city of Mamia " 
instead of "the Ram-city," (3) the addition of the phonetic 
complement mi after ara{mi), and (4) the omission of the words 

"city of the Ram-god." The characters which follow gjk are 

shown to represent the sky (?) above the circle of the earth, and it 

becomes probable that y0^ is to be read m, and not Kiat, as 

I have done. Mamoassus, "the city of Mamias," would appear to 
be the samfi as " the city of the Ram-god." 

5. This line is again a repetition of A 2, and B 4, and shows that 
(he god who is coupled with Sandes is Aramis. The name of the 
father-god, which 1 have hitherto read Sll-wi, is either Si-mi or SL 
Perhaps the latter is best, since in M. XI, 4, it seems to be the 
phonetic equivalent of both " boots " and at Fraktin the lower boot 
is omitted altogether. 

The ideograph of "king" must be read anas, since in a frag- 
mentary inscription copied by Sir W. Ramsay in which this line is 



repeated we have Ka-si-i-mi a-na-ifys, with -tni for -niiya like -mt by 
the side of -miya in the cuneifonn tablets of Boghaz-Keui. 

It will be observed that I have reverted to my original reading of 
ya, etc., instead of wa, etc. for T , etc. This is made necessary by 

instances like MA-mta-ian in line 4, as well as by the fact that the 
oblique line turns out to be the equivalent of I or /, Assyrian e. In 
the later Cilician texts u ox w takes the place of y, except where the 
latter reading is indicated by the use of the oblique line. Thus 
the Tuates of the Vannic monuments is written Tua-a-tua-e-s, 
i.e., Tuates, in M. II, i, and at Tyana the equivalent of the mi-si or 
w<-«'of the Emir Ghazi textsiswritten ww-mis-j#-i{M. XXXIII, A4.) 
The difference between u and y was probably dialectal ; however, in 
the Assyrian transcriptions of Hittite proper names we find variations 
like Libuma by the side of Lubarna. 

It is possible that while u distinguished the Hittites of Boghaz 
Keui and Arzawa, I, i, or y distinguished those of Kas. For it is 
now clear that the Hittites of Kas, to whom the main part of the 
hieroglyphic texts belong, are not to be identified with the Hittites 
who founded the empire North of the Halys. In the Tel el-Amarna 
tablets, while the Hittites and the Kas are associated together, 
a distinction is nevertheless drawn batween them. The Kas! once 
constituted one of the confederated states over which ihe Hittite 
kings of Boghaz Keui held rule, and are probably referred to by 
Khattu-sil under the name of Gaswya. Their seat was in Cappadocia 
South of the Halys, and they must, therefore, be the Kusd of the 
Assyrians who occupied the same region. Their empire, which 
is shown by the hieroglyphic texts to have extended from Carchemish 
in the East to Lydia in the West, and from Gurun in the North 
Southward to the Mediterranean, appears to have followed that of 
Boghaz Keui, after the latter was destroyed, probably by the 
" Northern " barbarians of Ramses III. Upon its ruins would have 
risen the Kasian power, which will be the empire of Cilicia described 
by SoLiNus, and which, according to him, extended to Pelusium on 
the borders of Egypt, and embraced the Lydians, Medes, Armenians, 
Pamphylia and Cappadocia (De Mirab. Mundi XLIX). In the 
mention of Pelusium there may be a reference to the invasion of 
Egypt by the " Northern " barbarians. The Kasians left their name, 
not only in Asia Minor, but also in Mons Casius in the territory of 
the Khatti-ni on the Gulf of Antioch. 
a 19 



Seal from Smyrna, 

At Smyrna, Sir W. Ramsav obtained a seal of steatite, in the 
shape of a disk, flat on either ade, which bears the same Hittite 
inscription on both obverse and reverse, the only difference being 
that theismall circle whichmarks the end of the name is omitted on 
the reverse. The dirk, or short Hittite sword, here takes the place 
of the dirk'grasped in the hand, which, on other seals, indicates 
" prince " or the like. I do not know whether the repetition of the 
first syllable Khal is due merely to the artist's desire for symmetry, or 
whether it is intended to signify that the vocalic termination of the 
dual (in -/ ?) should be read after K^d. In any case, the name 
would be r Khaly-nuan or Khaly-nian or Khal-nian. It is a pity 
that we do not know the precise spot where the seal «ras found. 



By the Rev. C. H. W. Johns, Af.A. 

Any information bearing on the Calendar of the ancient 
Babylonians must be of value, especially now that we are b^inning 
to appreciate the services those early sages of Chaldaea rendered to 
the progress of the world's civilization. Judging from the confident 
assertions of many writers, there would seem to be no doubt about 
any point in the Calendar, but one may search in vain for evidence 
to substantiate their statements. 

It has been asserted that each month had, at least normally, 
thirty days. Also we are told that the months were alternately thirty 
and twenty-nine days long. One scientist was ready to give the 
length of the Babylonian month correct to eight places of decimals. 
There are, however, many pitfalls for the unwary dabbler in Calendar 
lore. To the plain man no statement can be simpler than that a 
period lasted from one day of a particular month to another stated 
day of another given month. All depends on the length of the 
month, and if all months are not the same length, we need to know 
the lengths of the months named and also of those that intervened. 
Further, even the length of time from the first of one month to the 
first of the next month depends upon whether we reckon in both first 
days or only one. The former method of reckoning is often said to 
be that usual in the East, and it is important to know whether it was 
the custom in early times. If, therefore, we could find a series of 
ordinal calculations of the length of time in days from one given 
date to another, we ought to be able to give a definite answer to 
some perplexing questiinis, the answers to which seem generally to 
be assumed without enquiry. 

Now there was published in i8g6, in the second volume of 
Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tabiets, etc., in fke Brilisk Museum^ 



a text Bu. 91-5-9, 283 {on p^e 18), which does not seem to have yet 
received the notice it deserves. It gives the length in days between 
fixed stated dates, and adds a means of checking them in several 
cases. Adopting the usual Hebrew names of the months for the 
sake of clearness, we may examine these data for settling the 
questions raised above. 

The reckonings are for a certain number of days at so much per 
day, and when the number of days, amount per day, and total 
amount are all given, we have a perfect specimen of the sort of 
evidence we desire. Thus, in lines 5-8, we have 49J GUR, from 
the 3rd of Elul to the 26th of Marchesvan, two months 23 days, at 
-5 GUR per day. Now J of 83 is exactly 49f. Hence the scribe 
reckoned from the 3rd of Elul to the a6th of Marchesvan as 83 days. 
We have here two alternatives possible. In the first case, Elul and 
the next month Tesri had each 30 days, and the scribe did not count 
in the 26th of Marchesvan. In the second case, either Elul or Tesri 
had only 29 days, and the scribe did count in the 26th of Marchesvan.. 

The next reckoning, lines 9-11, gives 16 GUR, from the iSth of 
Marchesvan to the 8th of Tebet, one month 10 days, at f GUR per 
day. Now \ of 40 is exactly iti. Hence, if both Marchesvan and 
Chislev had 30 days, the scribe did not count in the 8th of Tebet ; 
but, if either had only 19 days, he did. 

The next reckoning, lines i4~r6, gives iff GUR from the 27th 
of Tebet to the 2Sth of Sebat, at rV GUR per day. This interval 
the scribe says is 29 days. Now y'j of 29 is i|( exactly. To make 
up 29 days, Tebet must have had 30 days, and the scribe must have 
counted in the 25lh of Sebat. We may conclude that in the two 
previous cases he also counted in the later named dates. Then we 
see that either Elul or Tesri must have had only 29 days : and either 
Marchesvan or Chislev had ag days only. 

The next reckoning occurs in lines 22-25. Here 7^ GURaie 
obtained as the result of four months 8 days at -^^ GUR per day, 
from the loth of Tammuz to the 20th of Marchesvan. This reckon 
ing is exact for 128 days. Hence, as the scribe counted in the last 
day named, the aoth of Marchesvan, and as four full months with 
n odd days would make 131 days, at least three of the four months, 
Tammuz, Ab, Elul, and Tesri, must have had only 39 days each. 
Then, in no case, can the months have alternately had 29 and 30 
days. We have already seen that either Elul or Tesri had 29 days 



In lines 26-29, the interral from the 20th of Marchesvan to the 
iSth of Tebet appears to be stated to be 56 days, though Dr. Pinches 
queries the figures. The amount per day is 3 KA, and the total 
171 KA, which shows that we must.jead 57 days. Hence Marches- 
van, or Chislev, must have had 29 days only, as we saw before. 

Lastly, in lines 30-33, we have \^^ GUR as the amount of 
3 KA per day for three months 24 days. There must be some 
mistake here, because this would make the time only 104 days, and 
that could only be three months 14 days. The dates are from the 
r6th of Elul to the 12th of Tebet, which is three months (full) and 
a6 days. We may suppose then that 24 is not a mistake for 14, but 
that two out of the four months Elul, Tesri, Marchesvan, or Chislev 
had 29 days only. Then the time is 114 days, the total amount is 
'^Tfe GUR, and the mistake is in the total. We need suppose but 
one error of the scribe or copyist. 

The text, or its copy, is not faultless. Usually the separate 
accounts are marked off by a line across the tablet, but this is 
omitted between lines 4 and 5. The scribe not only inserts or omits 
^A at pleasure, but also he omits TA at the end of lines 15, 24, 
and 32. The first calculation, lines 1-4, gave 12 GUR as the 
amount of 24 days at \ GUR per day, which is exact, but unfortu- 
nately at the end of line 2 the day of the month Elul is no longer 
preserved. Hence the text gives us no assurance as to how the 
scribe reckoned his 24 days. This is particularly unfortunate, as we 
should have been able to decide whether Tammuz had 29 or 30 

In line 17 the scribe gives accurately the total of the amounts in 
each of the first five sections. In line iS he has given exactly 
one-quarter of this amount. The former is said to be GAB-A 
ifyiilu), that is "threshed out"; the latter, SE-BI, "its corn." Now 
as the amount in lines i, 5, 9, 12 and 14 is called GAB-A SE-BI, 
and we see that the com (in ears with short stalks) was reduced in 
measure to one-fourth by threshing, we can only conclude that at the 
end of these lines a space was left to fill in the amount of the grain, 
and that the scribe never did (ill in these amounts. What is note- 
worthy is that so much com was received in an unthreshed state 
from Tammuz the 8th to Sebet the 27th. It is hardly possible to 
think of harvests coming in all that time. The harvest fell in Ab 
or Elul at this epoch, or rather com loans were generally repaid then. 
The first entry may well be the temple receipts just after harvest, 


Nov. 11] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCH^;0[.OGV. (1908. 

half a GVR a day : but the quantity per day rose considerably 
during the next three months. It did not decline much to the end 
of Tebet, but fell to less t^n a seventh in the end of Tebet and 
Sebat. This seems to imply that unthreshed corn came in diminish- 
ing amounts from Tammuz to the end of the year. We do find 
instances of corn loans being returned in Adar. Ftacticatly then, 
while from Nisan to Tammuz the com was growing, and the early 
harvest, 150 KA per day, came in from the 8th of that month to the 
iBt (or 2nd ?) of Elul, while the bulk of the crop, 49 out of 81 GUR, 
came in from the 3rd of Elul to the 36th of Maichesvan, iSo KA 
per day, the rate fell to 1 20 KA per day from the 28th of Marchesvan 
to the 8th of Tebet, while from the 28th of Tebet to the 25th of 
Sebat it was only 20 KA a day. 

If these quantities had been served out from the temple granaries, 
there is no obvious reason why the quantity served out per day should 
be nine times as much at one time of the year as it was at another. 
If my hypothesis is correct, we obtain a striking sidelight on the 
course of agriculture during the year. 

It will be observed that no entry is given for the znd (?) of Elul, 
the 27th of Marchesvan, and the 9th to 27th of Tebet. Now, in 
line 4, we read Ulu &mi i KAN UDDA GIDDA naShu, which 
seems to mean "from (it, the total ?) was abstracted one day, a long 
day." That UDDA GIDDA, umu ariu, can mean "a long day" 
is certain ; but it may here have some technical meaning, which 
escapes us now. The reason for the subtraction is not stated, but 
nai^u is commonly used of the exactions of the tax collector. Here 
he seems to have taken one full day's crop or return from the harvest. 
That would account for the harvest of the 2nd being omitted- Then 
the scribe would have reckoned from the 8ih of Tammuz to the ist 
of Elul inclusive as 24 days. Tammuz must then have had 30 days. 

In line 8 we read that two days, UDDA GIDDA, were 
abstracted. Counting these as the 27th and 28th of Marchesvan, 
we must readjust either the entry for lines 5-7 or that for lines 9-1 1. 
This is very perplexing, as it invalidates either our concluuons for 
the months Elul and Tesri or for Marchesvan and Chislev. 

The entry in lines 12-13 apparently covers the 9th to the 27th of 
Tebet inclusive : that is 19 days on any count. But 3 GUR 40 R^A 
is not divisible exactly by 19, and 50 KA per day, the nearest whole 
number, is a great fall from the preceding 120 ^A, though succeeded 
by 20 KA for the next period. Possibly the rate per day was too 



variable to enter as an average, and the scribe vas content with 
giving the total receipt At any rate, it is included in the total of 
line 17. What the phrase ia M ft^ (or is it siharf) bttim means I 
do not see. Analogy with the rest of the entries would suggest that 
it marked a date. The bttu referred to may well be the temple, 
which is often called simply bttu at this period. 

With line 19 starts a fresh class of entry, called GAB-UD-DU, 
the exact meaning of which escapes me. It looks as if in this case 
the yield of grain was only a fifth. Possibly it was a second winnow- 
ing. The reverse deals with measures of maltu, to which, in line 33, 
the determinative of drinks is prefixed. Hence maSlu is more pro- 
bably "drink" here than " drinking vessel" The words or groups 
of signs, AD'VB-GA, I-IB-RU, BAL-DA-Str, in lines za, 26, 30, 
are, even if correctly read, unintelligible to me, but possibly are 
kinds of vessels. Whether the entry in line 35 is complete or not 
seems doubtful, but the signs are too uncertain to yield any sense. 

In line 36 we have another summation, the scribe gives XI^§4 
KU'BI- He should have had 109 in place of 108. Possibly one 
of the totals above is incorrect. All the com is now said to be in 
the form of "meal," k^mu, KU. The traces in lines 37-38 probably 
contained other summations. 

The text is dated on the 30th of Adar in the 15th year of 
Ammizaduga, the 363rd year of the Hammurabi Dynasty, This was 
obviously the last day of the old year when the scribe made up his 



ad iS-tu arbi NE-NE-GAR fimi VIII KAN a-di ai-fei KIN- 


Sa XXIV O-mi i-na dmi I KAN CL (KA)-TA 
iS-tu Ami I KAN UD-DA GI[D-DA na]-a5-lju 
U. iS-tu arbi KIN-DINGIR-NINNI Ami III KAN a-di arfei 

\k arbi II KAN XXIII fl-mi i-na flmi I KAN 

iS-tu II Omi UD-DA GID-DA na-aS-b" 


2as T 



Si i5-tu arfei PIN-GAB-A fimi XXVIII KAN a-di arhi 

Si arbi I KAN X fl-mi i-na Qmi I KAN CXX(K:a>-TA 
Tn (GUR) XL(KA) GAB-A Se-bi 

Sa bi-i-si-ib bi-tim a-dj arbi AB-UD-DU fimi XXVII (?) 


iS-tu arbi AB-UD-DU Omi XXVII (?) KAN a-di ar^ A§-A 

Si XXIX (?) fl-mi i-na flmi I KAN XX(KA>-TA 




23. Sd ig-tu arbi SU-KUL-A fimi X KAN a-di arbi PIN-GAB-A 

flmi XX KAN 

24. iiarbi IV KAN VIII fl-mi i-na flmi I KAN XVII S-A 

25. iStu II fl-mi UD-DA GID-DA na-aS-bu 

26. CLXXI KA ma-aS-ti i-na i-ib-ram 

27. Sa iS-tu arbi PIN-GAB-A flmi XX KAN a-di arfei AB-UD-DU 

(flmi) XVIII KAN 

28. iSi LVII fl-mi i-na flmi I KAN III-KA-TA 

29. iS-tu ( ) fl-mi UD-DA GID-DA na-aiS-b" 

30. I (GURptirKA ma-aS-ti i-na BAL(?) DA-StJ 

31. Si iS-tu arbi KIN-DINGIR-NINNI flmi XVI KAN a-di a^ 


32. Si arbi HI KAN XXIV fl-mi i-na flmi I KAN III ^A 

33. iStu II fimi UD-DA GID-DA na-aS-ri {for bu) 

34. II (GUR) CL (KA) ma-aS-ti i-na mu-si(?)-bi(?)-nu fl (?) 

35. ad iS-lu arbi KIN-DINGIR-NINNI fimi II KAN a-di aifei 


37. (traces only) 



38. (/nues only) 

39. arjju SE-KIN-KUD dm XXX KAN 

40. MU Am-mi-za-du-ga LUGAL-E 


Semitic words are in ordinary type, ideograms and Sumerian 
words in capitals, numerals in Roman notation, restorations in 
curved brackets, Dr. Pinches' restorations of the text in square 

The lines across the text are due to the scribe. 

Translation of the more Important Parts. 

,1. 13 £orofcsm threshed, its grain 

which {was reaived)/r(m tht %th of Ab to the ist{f) ofMiul, 

which {was) 24 days, tach day 150 ^A. 

From one day a full day{'s yield) was abstracted. 

49 ear 240 XA of com threshed, its grain 

which {was reeeiveitffrom the ^rdofElulto tht -iftth ofMarchesvan 

which {was) two months 23 days, each day 180 l^A. 

From two days a full day(^s yield) was abstracted. 

16 (Or of com threshed, its grain 

which {was received) from the sSth of Marchesvan to the 8/A of 

which {was) one month to days, each day lao ^A 

^ cor 40 I^A of com threshed, its grain 

which was according to the si|j of the House, to the 2'jth of 

I cor 280 ^CA of corn threshed, its grain ..... 
from the 27th (?) of Tebet to the asth ofSebat, 
which was 39 (?) days, each day 20 KA. 
82 Ofr z6o ^A threshed 
its grain 20 cor 215 X-A. 

24 (?) cor ground (?) 

its grain 4 cor 340 KA in meal 

24 eor 21$ JKA of com which 7oas threshed and grvund{f) 

7 eor 76 If A of drink 'isai,\s\iru (?) 

227 T 2 



33. wluchjrom the lath of Tammue to the zoth 0/ Marchtsvan {was 

whkh was four months 8 days, toih day 17 KA. 
From two days a full dayi^s yiel£) was abstracted. 

171 KA of drink in ilurum(?) 

wMck from the 10/h of Marchtsvan la the i8th of Ttbet {was 

which {was) 57 days, each day 3 ^A 

From (?) days a fall day{'s yitid) was abstracted. 

I cor 12 If A 0/ drink in BAI^DA-5i) (?) 

which from the i6th of Elul to the \2th of Tebet {was received), 

which {was) three months 24 days, each day 3 ^A. 

From two days a full dayi^s yield) was abstracted. 

a cor 1 50 If A of drink in musibinu (?) and (?) 

which from the md of Elul to the ^oth of Tebet ipias receietd). 

36. I r cor 108 If A its meal. 

(traces only) 
38. (traces only) 


Month Adar, day ^oth, 
Year when Ammizaduga, the king, 

his statue StJ-SILIM-MA consecrated (J) 

For the convenience of those unacquainted with the old 
Babylonian Calendar, the names of the months with their Semidc 
equivalents are here given in their proper order : — 
















































The GUH was a measure used for grain and liquids containing 
300 KA. The scribe usually writes first the number of Gt/Ji, then 
the number of J^A, after which he sometimes writes ^A, then puts 
GUR after the whole expression. It seems to be clearer to transfer 
the GUR from the end of the quantity and place it (in brackets) 
after the numeral giving the number of GUR. The reason for the 
scribe's usage is clearly that he thought of the KA as y^th of the 
GUR, rather than of the GUR as 300 KA. He reckoned in GUR. 
Professor A. T. Clay, in his Aramaic indorsements on the Documents 
of file Muraiu Sons, contributed to the W. R. Harper Memorial 
Volume of Old Testa/runt and Semitic Studies, has furnished the 
proof of the long-suspected fact that the GUR was the same (in 
name at least) as the Hebrew cor. 

It may be thought that since there are so many obscurities in the 
text, no great reliance can be placed on conclusions drawn from it. 
The obscurities, however, will be seen, on careful consideration, to 
be entirely irrelevant to the arguments. I think the only probable 
solution of the above evidence is that Tammuz had 30 days, Ab, 
Elul, and Tesri each 29, Marchesvan 30, Chislev 29, Tebet 30, and 
from the date of the text we know Adar had 30 days. The ingenuity 
of some reader may discern a different arrangement which will satisfy 
the condiuons better. 

Some guesses as to truth may be hazarded here. As the total of 
lines aa-35 is expressed in line 36 as KU, klmii, "meal," and the 
grain said in line 19 to be GAB-UD-DU yields in line 20 one-fifth 
of its amount as KU, we may suppose that GAB-UD-DU means 
"to grind" com. 

In line 32 the sign AD may be a mistake for the sign given in 
BrCnnoWs List of Cuneiprm Signs as no. 4192. Followed by UD 
(read LA^Y), to which GA would be a phonetic complement, it 
would be the ideogram for lioihuru. This is certainly the name of a 
plant, which is unlikely here, unless it were used as a flavouring to 
the drink. What else it could mean is not very clear. In K. 164, 
line 30, Ijai^urshu seems to be an epithet of karpat ^almtu, but it 
may be the name of a vessel. In the text Bu. 91-5-9, 399, line ao 
(C.T. VI, p. a^i>), a list of household goods, afler 5 chairs of one 
sort and S of another, followed by one »fw ka-ak GlS-KU, we have 
haikuru hahhadu Si GiS BU-iB-DA. It can hardly be a plant 
here; but a vessel with a head (cover?) of the wood BU-iB-DA 



would be in place. The plant might give its name to a basket ; we 
read of ^aijur along with reeds. 

In line 26, iib-rum may^ misread for tlurwrn, for iUurum, which 
is a " sprout," but also something a Bull colossus might wear on its 
head, and some article of royal attire. The high artificial head-dress 
of the colossal bulls might well give its name to a similarly shaped 




By E. O. Winstedt. 


It seems a pity that in the case of a small collection of Coptic 
fragments such as that which passed from Woide's hands into the 
possession of the Clarendon Press and is now preserved on loan in 
the Bodleian Library,^ at least all the hagiographical fragments should 
not have been published. The fragments of the New Testament 
were all published by Woidk himself, or rather by Ford afler his 
death.^ The scraps of Apocryphal literature have found their way 
into GuiDi's' and Forbes Robinson's* collections. Schmidt has 
edited one page of the two-paged fragment of Athanasius' Festal 
Letters*; Amelineau, a fragment containing homilies of Pachom 
and Athanasius*; Crum has translated part of a sermon of which 
the text resembles the Apostolic Constitutions^; and the remains 
of Shenoudi's sermons will appear in Leipoldt's collective edition 
of his works. Of the hagiographical fr^ments, five have been 
edited by Ameuneau,* one by Hyvernat," and one recently by 

' MSS. Clarendon Press b. 1-5, containing 65 fragments. 

^ Clarendon Press fragments 3-131 in Woiue's Apfaidix ad cdilionem 
N.T.Gr. (Onford, 1799). 

' ClareodoD Press fragment 16, in Renduenli delta R. Acad, dei Lincet, III 
<i888), p. 376. 

* Clarendoa Press fragments 14 and t5, Coflic Apocryphal Gcspils {Cambridge 
Ttxls and Studies, IV, a), pp. a, i», and 70. 

' Clarendon Press fragment 50 (fol. l), Naihriehien der K. Ges. dtr ffiiscii- 
seha/len :ti Giltingen, i9di, p. 316. 

* CUrendoQ Press fragment a6, Mimotres . . . de la missien archiologiqtit au 
Caire, IV, 3, p. 61 a. 

' Claicndon Press fragment 39, Crum and Riedel, Cancits of Aihanatiut 
(Text and Traiu. Soc, 1904). P- 141. 

"Clarendon Press fragments 57, 60, 61-63, M^moires . . . de la missien 
anhiologique au Cain, IV, a, pp. 539, 703, 774, mA Journal Asialiipie, 1888, 
p. 363- 

'ClacendoD Press fragment 59, Revue deV0HeiUihrHien,'^\\{.iga3.), p. t36, 



Crum.'" There remain six others, which I hope to publish in a 
series of articles : — 

Fragment 54. Life of Gr^ory Thaumaturgus. (6 foil.) 

55. Martyrdom of Psote, (1 fol.) 

56. A martyrdom. (4 foil.) 
58. Life of Athanasius. {i fol.) 
64. Life of the monk John. (6 foil.) 
6r. Life of St. Matthew the poor. (2 folL) This 

last fragment Amelineau^' professed to have copied, and to 
have published a collation of it with the text of the Naples 
MS. of the same life. No such collation, however, does he 
give; which is not surprising, as the text is quite different 
and belongs apparently to the earlier jiart of the work of 
which he publishes fragments. 

But besides these strictly hagiographical fragments, several of the 
numbers classified in Hvvernat's unpublished catalogue as homilies 
are rather hagiographical than homiJetic, being probably fragments of 
encomia. And it is with one of these that I would open the series. 
Clarendon Press b. 4 (48), is a fragment of five leaves with writing in 
two columns of about thirty-one lines each, dated by Hyvernat as of 
the twelfth century, which is perhaps rather later than necessary. He 
states that " the subject matter is rather difficult to make out . . . 
leaves r-H contain the history of Abraham delivered from the 
furnace. Afterwards the orator extols David and the Apostles, to 
whom he exhorts his hearers to pay devotion ; he praises the martyrs 
and finally each of the Apostles separately." Certainly the text is 
more than a little incoherent, but, as that is no uncommon thing in 
encomia, one need have little doubt that the main purport of the 
orator was a panegyric on Abraham. The question is what Abraham ? 
And there the oracle is dumb. From his silence one would infer that 
HvvERNAT understands it to refer to the patriarch Abraham ; and, 
therefore, presumably to the tradition that Abraham was cast into 
a fiery furnace by Nimrod.^' And that view is supported by thefact 
that the orator quotes a passage from the Psalms as referring to this 

■• aar«ndon Press frigment 6Si P-S.B.A., XXIX (1907), p. 195. 

" Mimeiris . . . de la minien anhiologigtit au Cain, IV, 2, pp. 507-10. 
" C.f. Jewish Encyclepedia, vol. I, p. 86, wheie Ihe l^end is staled to be 
probably of Persian origin. 



particular Abraham. But, on the other hand, there is a serious, and 
indeed, insuperable, objection to that identification — the name of the 
king in whose reign Abraham suffered is gii-en as Sapor. Crum, 
therefore, in editing a British Museum fragment, which contains part 
of the same text, identifies the martyr, probably correctly, with the 
Persian martyr Abraham. That Abraham, according to the very 
meagre accounts of his life extant, was bishop of Arbela in Sapor's 
reign, and was accused of Christianity before Adelforas (or Aderforas) 
the lipxi'pnio^ and beheaded at Thelam on February 5th. In those 
accounts there is nothing about furnace or fire, sa\e in the shape of 
\a/tvacei vrpii mentioned casually among the usual list of horrifying, 
but quite ineffectual, preliminary tortures. It is strange then that the 
fiery ordeal should appear in the Coptic fragment as apparently the 
most important part of the martyrdom. But the Greek accounts are 
mere summaries, and hurry one to the final act of beheadal without 
entering into details ; and, besides, the details may well have differed 
considerably in the Coptic and Greek accounts. Legends invariably 
grow by telling ; and authors of hagiographical panegj-rics seem to aim 
more at entertainment than at accuracy. The Coptic writer may well 
have attributed to the Persian martyr sufferings similar to those which 
the patriarch was said to have endured at the hands of Nimrod, just 
as he refers David's words about the patriarch to the saint. Of the 
rest of the fragment the subject certainly is not clear. Why David 
and the Apostles should come in for special panegyrics interrupting 
the thread of the narrative, or what applicability strict injunctions to 
persons desirous of paying their respects to the Apostles not to 
set asunder the couples which tradition had put together, have to 
Abraham's martyrdom, it is difficult to imagine. Probably they had 
none, and were mere padding. 

As I have already mentioned, part of the same text is preserved 
in a British Museum fragment, Or. 3581B {30) (= Crum 318, part of 
a leaf, paged 1^ h). The text of that page is printed by Crum in his 
catalogue, and from his copy 1 give the few and unimportant variants. 
Cruu compares the Borgian fragment Zoega ccxxii, '^ now at Naples, 

^ One account is printed in the Synaxarium Conslan/iiicjvlilatmm, under 
February Sth (Ada Sanelorum, Supplement to November), and two by 
H. Delbhave (" Le! Versians Gr. dei Acles dis Marl. Pirsans stms Safor II." 
Pair. Or., tome II, (iisc, 4, pp. 413 and 45°)- Assemani, Marl Or., I. 
p. 141, foil, menlious him among Ihe 40 martyrs, Abdas, etc., slain in the 



which he thinks may be from the same MS. as the British Museum 
fragment At any rate Zoeca's description-^" De Abrahamio . . . 
qui a Sapore rege Mesopatamiae in rogum conjectus salvus evasit, 
quo facto rex ad eum misit duodecim principes populi ut interrogaient, 
quis esset Deus ejus qui eum servaverat,"— shows that it contains 
precisely the same text as the beginning of the Bodleian fragment, 
though, unfortunately, I have not been able to collate it 

In my copy I have not attempted to reproduce the capital letters — 
which are coloured red and black, and placed outside the line — nor 
to adhere to the original division into paragraphs; and though I 
have attempted to distinguish between dots and lines above letters, 
the distinction cannot be implicitly relied on. In this MS. the lines 
are so short as to be practically indistinguishable from dots in many 

Coptic Text. 
[a-ijap\-cun unu.xaoc] gojot? uiJriMOTTe mabpazau: — 
A?pAq (j-e AspAfAu Biocu> uuoc epoq sb-atcujot? 


Mpcuus 2l;(uriKA2 uneroei^ erijuAT • ncaabpa;au 

UAT,VAq ■ BKTAIO UUO(| MTfli;e THpC : — 

cfi nesAg Mcrii' nenpo((>HTHC AAreiA ■ otn zaz Npiuue 
eVxunKAe uneoToelTs) mabpa^au ■:■ une-AAAT uuat 


ATM) unei|.\o e(|xnTo uuoo-r ■ ^AMTOTtrtuMT epoq 
Mi:e+-KioeT epoq •:■ MTopoTMOTxe Ae UABpA?AU ^otm 
onKa>?T • -i- ATui A-nArreAoc uiixoeic ef ::jApoq 
MTGTMOT . ATu) AqTOTXoq H>nK(u;T • uneqactu? epoq 

66lh year of Sapor Il's reign (a.d. 375), but gives no details except that he ww 

G, Hoffmann {Aussiigc aus sj'ristkcn Atteii persiscktr Martxrcr, AbiauJ- 
hmgen JiirdU KuniU des Morgenlands, Bd. VII, No. 3, p. Ja) also mentions 
Abiaham among the martyrs of Karki^ d'' Bet'' StiAfi slain t^ command of 




enTHpq : ->- atu> A-neqcoeTr el oboa eunKAe xHpq 
MTueconoTAulA • I xe-A-noqMOTTO Torxoq enKcoer A 
MCABCup nppo ■ -i- MTepe-nppo Ae cuiru encoeiT 
MABpA^Au x6-AqorxAV enKUJirr • atio Aq:BTne uxoor 
Nctuq • xe-MToq n6MTAqTpeT+ • nKU>2T tipoq : -t- 
MTeruor Ae A-nppo ctuor; uumtcmootg napjcujm 
HTsriAAoc nexAq mav ^e-stuK ^SAneTpiuuu xb-abpazau 
MTBTHeiue erue eiJeiuB mIu ■ xe-UTAqorxAT snKtuer 


eiT62iH ■ uuoM • aIcuitu x6-A-M;oeNoc KU>Te epoq • 
UHnoT6 Mceropiiq mtoot-thttm • ^AMTerweTue exue 
MMel^Axe THpor, 


epoq • A-uexuxiipe ctujsit epooT • — atco atmat ewe- 
AAoc ercoor; eeoVM eneueituT abpazau • nexe uapxu>m 

MAq XB-nOH6iU)T ABpAeAU ■ eqTtUM nHKMOTTe • RAl 

Mee uneKMOTTe • MqTOTXOM enKiufT ■ mob ijTAqrov- 


nexAq mat se-u> Mepuiue uTueconoTAulA ■ uh takt- 
MHeiA neTAulo-Norre • Moe MweTMHOTTB • B?e mta.4»u^b 

MAT 20AU>i: : -*- nwOTTB HaT MTAqTOTSOl enKuigT ■ 

unB-nA6Tu>T mat epoq sMBe • otab on uMeq^u^iie 
MAq • : 





ne^fl ABpA?&u iixr xfl-nAMOi-re amok tabiht nApAii- 
HOTB ■ uiintuMe uue • ummka miu wTeneTKocuoc • aaaa. 
e^xe T6TMor«u^ bmat enAUorre • atco MTCmielue 

XeqTAelHT nApAMKA mTu eT-eFxunKA?: -*- I (TtU^ST MHTN 

6Hei[t,u>oM MTAnAMorre tauioot eHrne • lipH umhooz • 
uMMecToT • UMUOKAoOAe NAHp:-f- TApeTSTuelue xe- 
OTNtrou uuoq exoTjcol enKU>^ -f- mtotmot ATorco^ar 
MAq MtrT uuHH^e erxtu uuoc : ■*■ Ke-neuelurr ABpA- 


enel^Axe ha! AKXooq epoM : ->- a^vxe neKHorre AqxA- 
uok" enelUTCTHpIoM haI - tnotco^" ;u>u)m cuat 
evuTCTHpFoN MTA<|TApeMnTcTeTe epoq 7uhuh ■ atuj^' 
MTeruuT A-ABpA?Au CAKq ^^ fjcAOTCA euViuTe ■ Aqnuip^ 
MNeqcrfx oboa Aq^AHA eepAi enuoTre : -!- atio 

A-efJeBpHO'e • UM^uepOVBAf :!)A ;UTne '" ■ : -J- ATUJ 

X6-AMOK-ne nwoTTO mmka" mIu : -r- atu> mtbtmot 
A-neo^ NABpAZAu ep-orou'iM Mee un;o | uoTArrBAoc 
iiTenMorre*' ■ exBeneboT unMorre uTAq^Axe uuuAq- 
ATtU MXeTMOT A-UUHH^e ZB ezpAi exuHKA; • linoT^- 

" The Brilish Mnxuin fragment begins wiih UOK. 

" TflMOT[AMOTa)]:y, B.M. 

" [Toxe] Crum. 
'" [COJKq, B.M. 

'" ATco fMjreTMor [AeewJaqpHtre [ueM]zeMepo'rBAi 
u«MeeM[?or]une ^& ;euTne, B.M. 
" uetj, B.M. 
^ UeMKA, RM. 
=i JA, B.M. 
" MTeriuOTTe], om., B.M. 




(Tutrou^ etrumn ■ ezo-ru euiieo^ uabpa^au ■ eTBeneoor 

UnMOTTB iJTACpSA** 6;pAf BXtUq ■ : — ATUi MxeruoT 

ATUJ3 eBOA ersio uuoc jw'^oTepooT MOYtUT • se- 


BHHTM** TO-neisrropTp ao** uuat {ixiuh • TApeujiio'u- 
O'ou'* e^jL^ce muu&k : — atco mtbtmot AnMorre cuor 
enfJueKUT abpasau m\^ ca - erxApIc HAq linuTO bbua 

MOTOM MiU • : -!- ATU> AliuOI-Te OTUtUZ BpOq'^ NZN-** 
KeUTCTHplOM eMA:3U>OT ■ MAi** eTMASttOne** UUO(| 
HtMOH • ATw MTOTMOT Aq^onq Bpoq :■-{- 
Miu ■ xo-nppo MuexuKupe THpOT UliKA? MTenOM- 
MoTTe • xlcfl liuoq: — atui A-nel^Axe raI :!)u>ne | 

aqi-"-COelT eTB6-ABpA{AU xe-A-UApXtUM UM^HAAOC 

ctooT? uMiiMorre*^ NABpAeAu • xs-nppo MMexu)<i>pe 
THpoT unKAZ MTsneMMOTTe xlce uuoq : -t- 

{To be (ontinued.) 

" Q^freuo'ou, b.m. 
■ eneo, B.M. 

*• MTA[q . . . ], B.M. 
*> ?eM, B.M. 
•• AA, B.M. 

" freucrou, B.M. 

" OTtUMAe eBOA, B.M. 
■■ M^eM, B.M. 
»" MAl], om., B.M. 

»* eMA[?]. . . e, KM. 

" eOTOM, B.M. 

" ATu> Ane[? u]nAi3[?Jt, b.m. 

" UBM, B.M. 

■■ unuOTTB, B.M., which ends two lines lower sC neu<]IU>[T] 




neve abpazau fiAT xe-nAMO'rre ahok tahTht nAp&ii- 


e^Bxe TeTMorto:3 bmat enAMorre • ATti» MTSTijelue 

XeqTAelHT HApAMKA nTu eT-2rXUnKA2 : -*- I O-UKUT MHTH 
UMMeClOT ■ UHHeKAOOAe NAHp : -f- TApeTBTMelue xo- 

OTMO^u uuoq BTorjcoi enKuizr -t- mtotmot atotiosit 
MAq MtrT uuHH^e e-rxuj uuoc : ■*■ xe-neuelurr abpa- 
eAu • unATeKp zue Hpoune eoAiuc - mTu neuTAqrAUOK " 
enef^Axe haI AKXooq epoM : ->- e^^ixe neKMorre AqxA- 
uok" enelUTCTHpioM haV • tmotuisi" ?ioiom cmax 
evuTCTHplciM MTA<|TApeMnTcTeTe epoq 7ukum • atuj" 
MTer HOT A-ABpA2AU CAKcj ^* MCAOT<!A 8trnore • Aqnuip^ 
Huequ-Tx eBOA Aq^AHA eepAf eiiMOTTe : -i- ATiii 
A-eUeBpHO-a • UNZUepoTBAif ISA eWTne "•:-(- ATIO 

MTeTMor A-nwoTTe :9Axe Im'^ABpAeAU eqs€i» iiuoc-: — 
xe-AHOK-ne nuoTTe mmka^' mIu : -t- atu> mtothot 
A-nzo^ MABpAeAu ep-orutiiM uee uneo | MOTArreAoc 
iiTehiJOTTfl** • flraeneboT unMorro uTAq^sAxe MUUAq- 
ATui MreTMOT A-uuHH^e id eepAi exunKAe • iinoT^- 

" The Biilish Museum fragment bf^REwiih UOK. 

" AqTAUA[u]UOK, B.M. 
" TeMOT[AMOTa>]3, B.M. 
" [totb] Crum, 
'" [COJKq, B.M. 

>■ ATIU [m]t6tmot [A?eM]eqpHO'o [ueNJeeM^puTBAi 
ueMeeM[?ur]une ^a eeuTne, rm. 

■0 UOM, B.M. 

" MOMKA, B.U. 

'^ gA, B.M. 

*= MTerilJOTTe],om., B.M. 




eriicTou^ oirtos'T ■ oeoru juhgo" nabpazau ■ erBeneoor 
uriMOTTe MTAqsiA^ ejpAF extuq-: — atu* mtbtmot 
ATUi)3 eBOA e-rsio uuoc iN'^orepoov Norarr • xe- 


BHHTM** TO-neJsn'opTp Ao** iJuAT 2ixu>H • TApeusicTU- 
CTOu** e:vA:ce muuak: — atui MTeTwor AnMo-rre cuor 


HOTOH UlU ■ : -t- ATlil AnMOTTe oTtowe Gpoq" kieij-'* 


MCABH • ATu> MTSTuoT AqzoHC) epoq:--i- 


Nlu ■ xfl-nppo MU6XU)u>pe THpor uiika; NTennu- 
Norre • xfce liuoq : — atu» A-neI;!iAxe haT ^u>ne | h 
eqt^-coelT oTBe-ASpA^AU xe-A-WApxtuu um^haaoc 
CUJOT2 uMiiuoTre*^ mabpa^au • x6-nppo MMexiutiipe 
THpOT unKA2 NTeneMuoTTe xlce iJuoq : -h 
{Tt> be (ontinued.) 

" e^sfreufTOU, b.h. 

■ amo, B.M. 

» HTA[q . . . ], B.M. 

" eeu, B.M. 

*• AA, B.M. 

» creucrou, b.m. 


" weeM, B.M. 
*" WAl], om., B.M. 

'>* eMA[?]. . . e, aM. 

» eorou, B.M. 

" ATio Ane[? u]nAtsi[?]+, B.M. 

" ueu, B.M. 

■■ unuOTTe, B.M., which ends two lines lower at neMeitu[T] 




By L. W. King, M.A. 

One of the most important finds recently made at Susa by the 
DilfiaHon en Peru consists of two portions of a great monolith, 
engraved with sculptures and bearing traces of an inscription of an 
early Semitic king of Babylonia. The monument has not yet been 
brought to Europe, but from the description of it published by 
M. J.-£t. Gautier' it may clearly be regarded as one of the most 
valuable specimens of early Babylonian sculpture that has yet been 
recovered. The stone is roughly triangular in shape, the longest 
side being curved, and on all three sides reliefs are sculptured in 
two registers. In the upper register are battle scenes and a row of 
captives, and in the lower are representations of the king and his 
suite. On the third face of the monolith, to the right of the king 
in the lower register, is a scene in which vultures are represented 
feeding on the slain ; and on a smaller detached fragment of the 
stone is a figure, probably that of a god, clubbing the king's enemies, 
who are caught in a net. The details of the net and the vultures 
obviously recall the similar scenes on the stele of Eannatum, but the 
treatment of the birds, and also of the figures in the battle scenes, is 
said to be far more varied and less conventional than in Eannatum's 
sculpture. That they are Semitic and not Sumerian work is proved 
by the Semitic inscription, of which a few phrases of the closing 
imprecations are still visible. The king, also, is bearded, and is of 
the Semitic type. 

Though the main inscription has unfortunately been hammered 
out, the king's name has been preserved in a cartouche in front of 
him, where he is termed " Sharru-ci, the king." Now 5arru-G\, in 
Ass)Tian and Neo-Babylonian texts, is to be read SarrvuMn, Sargon, 

., Vol. XXVII, pp. 176 ff. 



and this is the form under which late tradition has preserved the 
name of Nar3m-Sin's father, the early king of Alckad. Hitherto 
Sargon, the traditional father of Nar4m-Sin, has been identified with 
Shar-Gani-shar-ali, or, better, Shar-Gani-sharri,' the early king of Akkad, 
whose inscriptions have been recovered at Sippar, Niffer, and Tello, 
and in whose reign tablets from Tello are dated. The question 
obviously suggests itself: are we to identify the Sargon of the new 
monument with Shar-Gani-sharri ? M. Gautier propounded the 
question, but did not attempt to answer it. 

The first solution of the problem was offered by Pfere Scheil,* 
who is clearly right in regarding Sharru-uldn of the new monument 
and Shar-Gani-sharri as different personages. And, since the names 
5harm-Gi and NarSm-Sin arc both mentioned on a tablet found at 
Tello {R.T.C., No. S3), he concluded that Shamj-uktn was the 
father of NarSm-Sin, as represented in the late tradition ; Shar-Gani- 
sharri he would regard as another sovereign of Akkad, of the same 
dynasty as Shami-ukin and Narim-Sin, and one of their successors. 
It would be tempting to accept Pfere Scheil's explanation, for it 
. would reconcile the later tradition, with the early monuments. 

Difficulties in the way of its acceptance have already been pointed 
out by M. Thueeau-Dancin.* From the occurrence of the proper 
name Sharru-ukin-ili, "Sargon is my god," on the obelisk of Manishtusu, 
he argues that a king bearing the name of Sharru-ukin, and probably 
identical with the Sharru-ukin of the new stele, preceded Manishtusu ; 
similarly, from the occurrence of another proper name, Urumush-ili, 
" Urumush is my god," on an undated tablet of the same epoch as 
those of Shar-Gani-sharri and Narflm-Sin, he suggests that Urumush 
was anterior to Nar4m-Sin. Granting these conclusions, if Nar&m- 
Sin had been the son of Sharru-ukin, as suggested by Pfire Scheil, 
Urumush would hare been separated from Manishtusu by the 
dynasty of Akkad, a combination that is scarcely probable. More- 
over, he pointed out that the context of the passage on the tablet 
R.T.C., No. 83, though its interpretation is doubtful, does not 
necessarily imply that Shairu-uktn and Nar4m-Sin were living at the 
same time ; they might have been separated by several generations. 

' C/. Dhokmb, O.L.-Z., 1907, col. 230 ; Fobbel, Z.A., XXI, p. 338, n. i ; 
and THURBAU-DANCiN, O.L.Z., 1908, col. 313. Gani is probably a divine 
name, if. Sckbil, Textts &lam.-Simil., I, p. 16, n. 3. It is also possible that 
Ubu-mo-uS should be read as a Semitic name R!-mu-til. 

' Textis &lain.Sfmit., IV, pp. 4 ff. * O.L.-Z., 1908, col. 313 ff. 



For these reasons he contended that Shami-ukin was not the founder 
of Narim-Sin's dynasty, but was probably a predecessor of Manishtusu 
and Unimush. It may be admitted that the grounds on which 
M. Thureau-Dancin based his acute su^estion are not quite 
conclusive, and in themselves they might perhaps run the risk of 
being disregarded in favour of the advantages attaching to Ptre 
Scheil's arrangement 

That Shami-ulcfn of the new stele was not a king of the dynasty 
of Akkad, but was a still earlier king of Kish, can, however, be 
definitely proved by an inscription of his own, which was published 
in 1900, but has not as yet been identified as his. The inscription 
is preserved in the Imperial Ottoman Museum at Constantinople, 
and was found by Phie Scheil at AbO Habba during the excavations 
he conducted on that site for the Turkish Government in 1892-3. 
It is numbered S. 3,' and a transliteration and translation of it have 
been given by P^re Scheil in his Textet ^lamiUs-Simiiiquts, I 
(1900), p. 4, n. I. According to the published transliteration of the 
text, the first column of the inscription begins : — 

I Gl (?) I GI 

3. [iarru da]n - nu 2. the mighty king, 

3. [tar ] Ai'f 3. king of Kish, 

4. J^a ■ Hi Hi 4, the pasAiiku-^nist of the god (prob. 

of Shamash, the Sun^od), 
^. pa-te-ii {ilu) Mn-lU 5. the patesi of Enlil, 

6. iakkanak (i/u) A-mal 6. the representative of A-mal, 

7. la-6i-in Ubitti, etc. 7. the moulder of bricks, etc. 

It will be noticed that the king's name in the first line' ends 
with the sign Gi, and I think there can be tittle doubt that we 
should restore the name as \Sarru\-Gi, i.e., Sarru-ukin, and identify 
him with Shami-uk!n, the king of the new monolith from Susa. 

' Cf. ScHBlL, Urte laismi de/ouilUi A Si/fiir, p. 96. 

• This would appeit lo be the first line of the te»t, accoiding to Pere Sckbil's 
traniliteration, which marks do gap before il. If there is a gap and I. t is not 
the beginning of the inscription, it is possible that [Shami]-ukln'$ name occurs, 
not as that of the writer of the inscription, but as the name of bis father ; that fa« 
should be mentioned aa his grandfather, or earlier ancestor, is unlikely. But, 
in anjr case, the lilies iami dait-nu tar A'it ue to be taken as applying to 
[Shaiiu]-uktn, so that the point does not affect the conclusion that Sbairru-aktn 
was a kii^ of Kish. 




Since he claimed the title patesi of Enlil, vie may infer that he 
controlled the sanctuary of Nippur ; and one of his foreign conquests 
is recorded in the second column of the text, of which 11. 3 ff, read : 
{l) nap/tar um-ma-ni-ia {^) a-na le-rta (s) /u-u a-zu-uz {6) An-ia- 
a«(Ki) (7) u ^u (})-fi-/ju-um(K\) (8) /w andr, " All my troops into 
two parts I divided, Anshan and Shurikhum^ I conquered," The 
text goes on to state that the king brought out the captured king of 
Anshan and Shurikhum, together with tribute and gifts, apparently 
on his triumphant return from the campaign. From his conquest 
of Anshan we may infer that, under Sharru-ukin, the power of Kish 
was felt beyond the limits of Babylonia, and it is possible that the 
battle scenes sculptured on his newly found monument at Susa 
represent the campaigns described in the text at Constantinople. 
When the former monument arrives in Paris, it will be possible to 
tell whether any traces of the inscription upon it correspond with 
what is preserved of the Constantinople text." 

The proof that Sharru-ukIn, the ancient and famous Saigon, was 
not identical with Shar-Gani-sharri carries with it far-reaching con 
sequences. In late Assyrian and Babylonian tradition Sargon appears 
as a king of Agade, or Akkad, and the father of Naram-Sin. It is 
clear, therefore, that the name of Sargon, king of Kish, has been 
borrowed for the king of Akkad, whose real name, Shar-Gani-sharri, 
has disappeared. Are we to imagine that the great achievements, 
which late tradition ascribed to Sargon of Akkad, were also borrowed, 
along with his name, from the historical Sargon of Kish ? His 
own inscriptions and date-formulae prove that Shar-Gani-sharri ruled 
Southern as well as Northern Babylonia, and that he conquered, or, 
at any rate, defeated the Elamites, the Amurru, the Kutfl, and 
Gutium. It is certain, therefore, that a considerable body of truth 
underlies the traditions with regard to the extent of his empire. But 
the possibility exists that some of the achievements of Sargon of 
Kish were credited to Narilm-Sin's father, and that in Sargon of 
Agade we have the reflected image of two early kings, who, after 

' Kre ScHEiL reads I. 7 as su {a/u) ffu-um (ki), " the forces [eiiiAkn) of Ihe 
town of Khuiii." It is preferable, however, lo take both Ihe signs su and uru 
Bi pert of the name. 

' Another inscription we may perhaps assifin to Sargon of Kish is the spear- 
head, found at Tello, inscribed Sarru-[. . . ."[ lar Kish, " Sami.(ukln (?)], 
kii^of Kish"(DBSAi(ZEC,Z>/f., pi. 5'", No. ij ThdreauDangin, i'..4.A':, 
pp. 160 f.). 

141 V 



the lapse of many centuries, gradually assumed, in tradition, a single 

It is not difficult to suggest causes for such a confusion. Both 
kings were great conquerors ; both belonged to the same epoch and 
were representatives of ihe same wave of Semitic domination which 
at this time succeeded in imposing itself on Babylonia from the 
north; both kings restored the great temple of the Sun^od at 
Sippar,* where Nabonidus discovered the foundation -inscription of 
one of them ; and, finally, both kings bore names which, in part, 
are not dissimilar.'* That the confusion may have taken place 
affords fresh grounds for refusing to accept blindly the late traditions 
of Assyrian and Neo-Ba by Ionian scribes with regard to the earlier 
history of their country. 

' Thai Sargon of Kish did so may piobably be inferred from the finding of the 
Constanlinople text at Sippar, and fiom the reference it contains to Aa, the 
Sun -god's consort. 

'" Wilh Sar-Gaiii-tarri we may compare Sarru-CX tarru, the name and title 
of Sargon on the new monolith. The use of the unqualified title liii;al, tarru, 
certainly increases the resemblance. There is no proof that the name ^rm-oi, 
on the new monuUlh and on the obelisk of Manishtusu, was read .15 &amf-uHn, 
or SamiM/iu, at the time of the kinedom of Kish. for, like Caai, oi may 
have been a divine name as in Sa-mu-oi, parallel in form to Su-nin-Ea, in 
Manishlusu's text (see SuKBlL, Texles ^/am.-S/mif., I, p. 26, n. l) ; c/. also the 
names Blli-a\, Suruf-^ji, etc. Thus its renderii^ as utln in Assyrian and 
Neo- Babylonian times may have been a secondary explanation, adoplci after the 
original meaning of the sign had been forgotten. 




Bv THE Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A. 

Some months ago Mr. C. F. Burney, of St. John's College, 
Oxrord, called my attention to an inscription in Prof. Petrie's 
Sinai, fig. 139, which he strongly suspected was Phoenician, although 
he could not read it. I saw at once that the first four letters, 
read from right to left, gave the name of nnny 'Athl&r, the South 
Arabian equivalent of Ishtar. Here is the inscription, with the first 
pair of letters placed above the main line, as they are on the stone : — 

On this, Prof. Petrie observes : — " Besides this figure [fig. 138], 
and parts of others, there is a figure of a sphinx of small size, 
fig. 141. This has along the upper sides of the base a line of 
inscription, which contains the same signs as those in fig. 139. On 
the shoulder is a square containing a dedication to Hathor, ' Mistress 
of Turquoise,' in ordinary Egyptian hieroglyphs. And between the 
paws, as on Egyptian sphinxes, is a Horus^name, which is very rough 
and small, and which seems only to contain the sign of the sickle, 
maSl. We can hardly doubt that this is the Horus-name of Snefeni 
. . . But it is clearly of local work, and not done by a trained 
Egyptian sculptor." The discoverer concludes that " common Syrian 



workmen, who could not command the skill of an Eg)-ptian sculptor, 
were familiar with writing in 1500 b.c, and this a wTiting independent 
of hieroglyphics and cuneiform. It finnJiy disproves the hypothesis 
that (be Israelites, who came through this region into Egypt and 
passed back again, could not have used^writing." 

There are nine characters, all clear except 6 and 7, where 
there are flaws in the stone. We may read either : (i) mnw innji 
'Atht&r 'Antarta, the second word being the name of Ishtar in the 
famous Treaty of Rameses II with the Hittites ("Antarta of the 
land of Kheta" — though this reading of the name is said to be 
false) ; or (a) nasip TTiny, '-f-, fwrhaps " Ishtar of the ear-rings (?) " ; 
</. Assyr., ansabtu or insa&lu, "ear-ring." The chief interest of the 
thing, however, lies in the fact that the identity of Hathor with 
Istjara-Iltar is proved by the inscription, and that we have here 
Phoenician writing of a date apparently as early as B.C. 1500. 


(/v. 9.) Col. III. 



Bv R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. 

{Continued from p. 152.) 

Trans LITERATI ON — continued. 
K. 2453. Reverse. 

. RA Vll-iu ta-tab-bak e-ma ta-tab-ba-{kn] ^ta 

2. ina URUDU.DU.UT.TAG.GA tanial)as(as) URUDU. 

DU . UT . TAG . GA ana ku-tal-Ii-ka ta-na-sulc iSatti {?)- 
[ma] ibalut 

3. giptu SE ZA A5 LI lA MIR ZI ^AR GIM 

KUR KAL . . gU 

4. za.zi.ib ha.zi.ib an.zi 

eSteipta TI IB.BA 

5. an.zi e§ ti ip te ig hi en ni e ka 









II. Kikitpi-Su Sarta ZA.GIN.NA iJarta piaata eSteni3(niS) HI 
DUR tetimmi III '^" AN . gE . TIR taSakak 

24s u t 



12. Vll-ta-a-an kasir takasar e-ma takasaru Sipta tainannu(nu) ina 

giS-£i-£u £epi-Ju u ki-sal-li-£u tarakas-ma ibalut. 

API. 10.) 

13. Siptu ta-tab-t)a kima kakkab&nip' bi-li kima la-'-me: Sur-^ka 

li-balu ki-£it-ta^ li-'-ar 

14. kima Su-uC ri-e-$i la a-li-di ni-il-ka li-bal : ki-tna lap-ti liprHHJ 


15. kima ir-pi-tu ina i>ame(e) la i-bur-ru; kima u-la-tu la i-mu-rn 


16. kima amelu mitu la e-ti-|fu bSb balati : kima ti-za-bu la e-ni-ka 

tulat ummi-Su 

17. kima zir kali la ib-nu-u Suni : ta-at-ta-lak ta-at-tal-lak bi-U it di 

il di EN 

18. Siptu li-iz-m-ut) kima kakkabi Hb-li ki-ma na-al^: £ur-Sti-iD 

li-ta-'-pu ki-Sit-ta^u li-bal 

19. kima kali pi-ri-'-5u kima zir lap-ti lip-su-u pa-nu-iu: ni-iWn 

li-bal kima la a-lit-ti 

20. kima u-la-lu la ip-m-u pa-nu-Su: Siptu ul ia-ut-tu niSd Sipat_ 

""Ba'u u ''"Gu-Ia 
31. Sipat ''"Nin-a-tja-kud-du bSl Sipti ^u-nu id-du-ma ana-ku al-ti 


33. Kikittu-Su Sarta simta Sarta pisata eSteni£(niS) tetimmi VII 

=|'""5U . U . ERI taSakak epir kibis NU . IGI . GAB 

24. epir kibis sinniSti la alitti epir kibis kaibi salmi zir h.^ 

KU . SE . SA . A ina Sarti sftmli 

25. VII lap-pi tal-pap VII kasir takasar Sipta tamannu(nu} -ma 

tarakas-su-ma ibalut 

a6, Siptu a-ra-at)-))i ra-ma-ni a-ra-t)i pag-ri kima kaIbi u "ikiJbati 

Sabi "'Sajjiti . . .-bu-u 
37. ina sSri-Su: kima "."nartabi ir-si-tu ir-t)u-u ir-si-tu im-^u^u 
(ff. II.) 

zS. Iim-im-t)ur ra-ma-ni Ii-ir-|]i ra-ma-ni .... 


30. Kikil{u-Su VII bi-ir-si Sa k^eri eiteiii3(ni5) iSid-su-nu iSati 

tu-kab-bab ina Sarat nabasi 



31. ta£alcak(ak) VII kasir takasar e-ma takasani Sipta tainannu(nu) 

tarakas-su-ma ibalut 
3a. Siptu b61 Si-pat bala^i ''"E-a Sar apsi lid-di-ka ta-a-5u Sa bala^i 

33. '""Marduk nia£-ina£ ilAni Si-pat balati lid-di-ka: . ,-li ""Gibil 

H-nu-ut; kab-lum 

34. ka-sis-tum Ut-la-si 3a zumri-ka £N 



Kikittu-£u ana lib Samni BUR Sipta tamannu(nu) muk-kal- 
pi-ti tu-ina^£a-'-£u u Sipta tainannu(nu)-nia ibalut 

Siptu £u-u £um-£u maS-ka-du [ki-nu]-us-su i£-tu kakkab&ni''' 

Sa-ma-mi ur-da 
is-bat Sa kal .sim-ma-tu [ka]-lu *""'" pagri-Su is-bat giS-5a kin-sa 

ki-sal-la kab-la ra-pa-aS-tu u £a-Sal-li 
''"Marduk [na-u]-du u mu-du-u kali i-di-Sum-ma Siptu Sa Su- 

ki-ma [ur-ru] ana tnu-Si i-zu-zu li-zu-za marsa Sa zumri-Su EN 


. . . Sum-ma Sepi ameli marsi Sa imitti budni utul immeri 5a. 

imitti Sum-ma Sepi ""'"marsi 
[Sa Sumeli] buJui utul immeri Sa Sumeli te]ikki(ki) SIG . RID 

pu^adi u ""'puhatti tetimmi 
[VII ?]-ta-a-an takasar e-ma takasaru Sipta tamamiu(nu) -ma 




[SIG . RID] puhadi u '^puhatti tetimmi 

kin-?i-Su u ki-saI-)i-Su tiu-akas-su 

marei kat ''"SamSi l}uzabi taSakkan(an) 

. . marsi KU . GU . GAL (52) .... Sikani £ur-£um-me 

karani SUR 
. . tasamid-ma ibalut 
. . . erini "^ Surmenu (55) .... Su-na 




K. 3453- 
Col. IV. (Four lints ivanting from the beginning.) 

{/v. 13.) 

S -tu [ (6) . . . . tu5abial(Sal) 

7 tapaSaS f (8) . . . . Icat ""SamSi 

9 inaUBUDU.SIN.bu tar-bak 

10 -ri tasami(l(id) 

II -5i i?''5unnenu kanl tabi ""iV'-ballukki 

13 I ka ki-eS-ta-!iu-nu tar kit £amni 

13 -b^t SAK.KA.U.KAL ina URUDU.SIN.DU 

14 ki£ad-su bimeti tapa$aS(aS) 

IS MULU.TIN.NAlanadi-Su ina ami(mi)tuiapp!{?) 

16 taramuk-Su 

17 kan annam teppuS(u5) 

'8 '"»P'8«'"l«P*B^'"{:rS^'^ud}'" 

19 t^{?) '^<!<'bal]ukki kani dkbi tahaSal inaSikari 

30. SIS te-li-ib kiBad-su 

21 '!''irti-5u te-ti-en 

33 iSa ''"SamSi 

33 ta-ra-abba-au 


(/•/. 14.) 

34 ina 'J" irSi- ju tanadi-iu 

as sifeli tu-kat-tar-Su 

36 [URUDU].SIN.DU tar-bak 

37 tasamid(id) 

28 ina URUDU.SIN.DU 

31 ta^rrap 

32 '!"SunI 

33 'i""'Salalu 

34 tu5appi-fiu-ma 

35 tapaSas-su-ma 

36 ikkalupi 




37 ibalut 

38 '?"irSi turn mad 

39 tasabatsu tapatar 


Translation — eonltnued. 
K. *4S3. Reverse. Col, III. 

. {^The water from the gartarintun'a]ra \(up\ seven limes thou 
shait pour out ; when thou pourtst (it) out, repeat the incanta- 
tion ; beat {it) with a bronze tool (?) ; put the bronze tool (?) 
behind thee, let him drink (?) [// and\ he shall recover. 


IncantatioH : — '^ 



Two prayers /or 

the swollen joint. 

[I. Ritual for this : — of grey {T) hair {and) white hair together thou 
shall spin three threads (?) ; thread three cornelians {thereon) 
and tie seven knots in each; when thmi makest the knots, repeat 
Ihe incantation (and) bind {them) on his neck (?), his foot, and 
his hips and he shall recover. 


. Incantation: — Utou shtnest forth as the stars ; go out like a 
flame ; may thy root be carried away, may thy hack-part go. 
Like one in high authority that hath had no child may thy rest 
be broken, like the turnip may thy face be white ; as the cloud in 
the sky endureth not, as the blind seeth not his steps, as the dead 
man returneth not through the gate of life, as the babe untimely 
bom sucketk not the breast of its mother, as roast com cannot 
give shoots — so them shall depart, thou shall gooff . . . 


" Unintelligible I 



Incantation : — Let it rise as a star, may it go out tike a light ; 
may its root he removed^ may its back-part be carried awav. 
Like roast com lie its shoot (impossible), may its face be tokite 
as the turnip, may its rest be broken as one that bearetk not, 
as a blind man thai cannot open his face. The incantation 
is not invented of mankind, it is the incantation of Ba'tt and 
Gula, the incantation of Nin-a^a-kuddu, the lord of incanta- 
tion ; it is they who have performed, and it is I who have 
adopted. Perform the incantation. 

T^o prayers for the swollen joint. 

23. Ritual for this : — Spin a dark and a white hair together, thread 
seven Su-u-eri-* stones thereon: intertwine dust from the foot- 
print of one unseen, dust from the footprint of a woman that 
hath not borne children, dust from the footprint of a blcuk dog, 
turnip-seed {and) flour of roast corn in the dark hair v)iih 
seven folds, tie seven knots, repeat the incantation, and bind it 
on him, and he shall recover. 

f,P'- II.) 

26. Incantation : — / cheriik thee, O myself, I cherish thee, my 
body, as the dog the bitch, as the hog the sow : may it be poured 
forth in its desert; as the shaduf cherisheth the earth {and) the 
earth receiveth [her seed {and) cherisheth it], may it receive 
myself, may it cherish myself . , , . ^ 

a 9. Prayer for the swollen joint. 

30, Ritual for this : — Seven cuttings of tamarisk together their lower 
ends in fire thou shall char, thread them on scarlet thread, tie 
seven knots therein {and) when thou tiesi {the knots) repeal the 
incantation ; bind it on him and he will recover. 

31. Incantation : — May the lord of the incantation of life, Ea, 
King of the Deep, perform for thee his exorcism of life ; may 
Marduk, priest of the gods, perform for thee the incantation 
of life ; through (?) the Fire-god may {thy) middle be atpea^e ; 
may the pain (?) " go forth from thy body. Incantation. 

" ^ki EtU[A. subUtus est. 

" Possibly a mistake for iu u-ia, bul Ibis should be tu-ta-a, and hence my 
leading is Dtoie probable. 
» See PI. IV, «. gff. 

" Kasisliim, hilhertu unknoivn. 



35. Prayer for the swollen joint. 

36. Ritual for this : — Overhw-oil repeat the incantation . . . thou 
shall anoint him and repeat the incantation and he shall rteorer. 

37. Incantation: — This is its name — maSkadu is its appellation ; 
it hath come doivn from the stars of heaven ; it hath seised 
■with every (?) poison his whole body, it hath seised neck (?), 
ihins (?), hips, broad belly and shoulders. Mardttk, who is 
glorious and wise, knoweth it all, too, and may the incanta- 
tion which divide th all results (?) as between \day'\ and night, 
divide also between the sii'kness and his body.^ Incantation. 

41. Prayer for the swollen joint. 

. . . if the leg of the man hurts on its right side, the right 
thigh of a sheep ; if the leg of the man hurts on its [left side], 
f/ie left thigh of a sheep thou shall take ; spin the hair of a 
male and female lamb, tie [seven] knots in each, and where 
thou tiest {them) repeat the incantation and bind it on him. 
[Incantation'] : — ^ 

Perform the Incantation, 
[Prayer] for the s7VolUn joint. 

The remainder of ihe texts consist of the broken ends of lines, 
containing directions for spinning magical threads, etc 

" This U repeated or 

» Unintelligible to m 



The next Meeting of the Society will be held on 
Wednesda}', December 9th, 1908, at 4.30 p,m., when the 
following Paper will be read : — 

F. Leg^e, Esq. : " Egyptian Chronology and its 
Astronomical Foundation." 





(MXHBEB8, 68. 

, jhzhb: 

' tNON-M 



{PosUge, 4i) 





The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Qates from 

[Shalmaneser It. B.C 859-825.] 

Part V (the final part), with Introduction and descriptive letter-press, 
has now been issued to the Subscribers. 

A few complete copies of the boolt remain unsold and can be 
obtained on application to the Secretary. 


Society of Biblical Archeology. 

37, Great Russell Strset, London, W.C 

COUNCIL, 1908. 

Prop, A. H. Savci, D.D., Slc. 
Thb Most Kiv- His Gracs Thb Lord Archbishop or York. 
Thb Right Rbv. tkr Lord Bishop of Salissurv. 
Ths Most Hon, thb Marqubss of Northamptom. 
Thi Right Hon. thb Earl of Halsbdrv. 
Thb Right Hon. Lord Amhrrst of Hacknbv. 
Waltbr Morrison. 

The Right Hok. Lord Pbckover of Wisbeach. 
F. G. Hilton Pricb, DlR. S.A. 
W. Harrv Rylakds, r.S.A. 

Thb Right Hon. Gikeral Lord Grbhpsll, K.CB., &&, Ac. 
Rev. J. Marshall, M.A. 
JosRPB Pollard. 

Rrv. Ckarues Jambs Ball, M.A. 

Dr. M. G aster. 

F. Li- Gripfith, F.S.A 

H. R. Hall, M.A. 

Sir H. H. Howobth, K.C.LE. 

F.R.S., &e, 
L. W. Kino, M.A. 
Prof. G. Maspbro. 

Claude G. Monikfiorb. 
Prof. E. Havillb. 
Edward S. M. Pbrowhb, F.S.A I 
Rev, W. T. Piltbr. ! 

F. Scott- Mosc RIB FF, M.A. 
R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. 
Edward B. Tvlor, LL.D., 
F.R.S., &c 

Henorary 7>mx«rfr— BERNARD T. BosaNQDBT. 

j«f«fl»y— Walter L, Nash. M.R.CS. \Eng.), F.S.A. 

Heitoraiy Stertlary /or Fortign CorrtipBndiHU — F. I^GCK. \ 

Henararf Librarian— ^ KiJ^tA L. NasH, M.R-CS. (£v-)i t'.S.A. 

VOL. XXX. Part 7. 






Seventh Meeting, December gtA, 1908. 


W. E. Ckdh.— A Greet Diptych of the Seventh Century. 

ta Plaits) ass-*65 

S. Lanodon. — Leiic<^raphical StodieE. (I and 11) 366-371 

F. Ll. GRiFFrrH.— a Contract of the Fifth Year of Ameohotp IV. 

IPlate) 272-275 

E, O. WiNSTBDT.— Coptic Saints and Sinners (fflrtft'nwifl' 276-283 

H. H. Spobr, PA.D. — Noks on Some New Samaritan 

Iii3ctiptk»iE. (S Plata) 384-291 

W. L, Nash, P.S.A.— Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities. 

(IV.) [1 Plata) 29^1 193 

Utte fage and Conteate. 

^7, Grbat Russbll Street, London, W.C. 

37, Grbat Russell Stkebt, London, W.C 


I, Palt 

UanUit. Mtmben. 

, VII, 

, VIII, 

, VIII, 
„ VIII, 


Vols. I— XXVII. Piicw on application lo the Secietuy. 

General Index lo Volt. XI— XX 








Part 3 












Part 7 


., xxijt. 



„ XXIX, 



„ XXIX, 



„ XXIX, 

Part 4 


„ XXIX, 



„ XXIX, 



„ XXIX, 

Part 7 


„ XXX, 

Part 1 


„ XXX, 

Part a 


„ XXX, , 



„ XXX, 

Part 4 


„ XXX, 



.. XXX. 



„ XXX, 



A few complete seu of the Transactkuts and Procee43ings still remain on 
sale, which may be obtained on application lo the Sectetary, W. L. KasH, 
r.S.A., 37. Great RusaeU Street, London. W.C. 






Seventh Meeting, December •jth, 1908. 
H. E. HALL, Esq., M.A^ 

[Ho. ccxxviii.]_ 253 X 



The following gifts to the Library were announced, and 
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : 

From the Author, Dr. 0. von Lemm. — " Koptische MisceUen," 
Parts XLVII-L; and "Koptische Studien," Parts LI-LV. 

From the Author, W, F. Warren, Esq. — "The Babylonian Universe, 
newly interpreted." 

From the Author, Miss M. A. Murray. — " Index of Names and 
Tides of the Old Kingdom." 

The following Paper was read : — 

F. Legge, Esq. : " Egyptian Chronology and its Astronomical 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 




By W, E. Crum. 

The fragmentary diptych here to be described is the property of 
Mr. W. MoiR Brvce, of Edinburgh, who bought it at Luxor in 1905, 
and now kindly permits its publication. The excellent photographs 
which Mr. Nash has contributed show its general fonn and (on a 
somewhat enlarged scale) its palaeographical character. The larger 
fragment or panel will here be called A, the smaller B. The material 
is ivoiy, veiy much yellowed in A, of a faint brownish- white in B, 
which almost suggests scorching. The bdght of a panel is 25*5 cm., 
width la cm., thickness 0*4 or D'5 cm. Although diptychs, with 
more than two panels, are not unknown,^ there is no reason to 
assuitae more than the normal number here. The text of B appears 
to follow quite suitably on that of A, 
while itself forming the customary con- 
clusion of the whole. I'he plain border 
surrounding each panel is o'8 or 0'9 cm. 
in width. This border is pierced by a 
series of small holes, shown on the 
accompanying sketch of panel A, wherein 
the right side is reconstructed from the 
evidence of B. Besides these holes, there 
are, on the edge of B, three, now broken, 
inlets (opposite a, b, t), which, being at 
irregular intervals, I should assume to 
indicate some supplementary means of 
joining the panels, found needful at a later 
time. The surface of the border, at the 
two pairs of' larger holes (at any rate in 
panel A), is cut down, presumably to 
admit of affixing hinges. On the broken 

edge, at e In panel A, and at a point in B which would be opposite 
to/ are remnants of such hinges, made of bronze and fastened with 

> DippBL in Kraus, S£. i, 370. 



iron pins (now oxidized). I do not feel certain as to the object of 
the 14 smaller holes in the border; there is not, in the neighbourhood 
of any of them, a trace of oxidation or verdigris. But the remaining 
metal hinge in B (opposite to f) shows — if indeed now in its proper 
place — that certain of them served to connect the panels. This, 
however, could not be the intention of the four small holes pierced 
in the middle of panel A. Possibly they held some ornamental 
addition upon the back. But whether they were made prior to the 
writing of the present text and later on filled in, to give a surface for 
that when written, or whether, as seems more likely, they are of later 
origin, and were pierced regardless of the writing, it is hard to 
decide. At the top of the broken edge of B there are dear signs 
of oxidation ; so too half way down that edge and again at the 
very bottom. This is evidence of former metal pins, whereby the 
now lost fragment of this panel was once joined, after breakage, 
to the extant piece. Among the diptychs published, ours seems, 
in general form, most to resemble that at Brescia, the ecclesiastical 
use of which is judged to date from the 8th century," The back of 
both panels shows an entirely [^n surface, with no trace of 
ornament or writing, A circular stain on the back of A (diameter 
10 era.) indicates that this panel had, in recent times, been put to 
base uses, serving probably as cover to a jar. 

The text now legible is not the original. Unmistakable traces of 
eariier writing, in a clumsy, slightly ligatured hand, are visible at 
various points on A' ; not, however (now), upon B, But these traces 
are quite undecipherable, and we shall therefore confine ourselves to 
the later text. The scribe of this has certain idiosyncrasies, but for the 
most part his hand is not unlike that of the British Museum Festal 
Zttter,* which dates more probably from the year 67a than 577. 
His distinguishing features are : the form of a, which mostly is made in 
two strokes, A with v» inserted below it,' and which occasionally results 
in that angular, lapidary form, common on tombstones,' But beside 

* Figured in Rohault db Fleurt, La Metit, ri, pL cdlxxxvi, 

* V. pi. i, oppoute L 14. 

* Nm J\>2a*«gr, Sm., pt. iii, pL 48. Qf. Gunfbu. tmd Hunt, Ci. 
Pafi. i^ 163. 

* C/. Caneui if Athanatim, ed. Rirdbl mod Cruh, plate, Brit Mas. Csft. 
Calal., pL S, 374, pi. 3, 971. 

* Cf. Hall, Gk. and Copt. Ttxtt, pi, 3, Cbum, Cepl. Mm. (C«w Ciaal\ 
ntx. 8584, 8590, 8499 etc. 




it, we see here the usual, looped form, as in the Feilal Letttr. The 
e and c are, with few exceptions, marked by a short cross-stroke, 
appended to the lower hook.' So too, k often has, upon its upper, 
right-hand point, a similar cross-piece,^ while its straight and angular 
limbs are unconnected. As contrasted with the Festal Letter, we 
may further notice : the shortness of the cross-bar in e ; the forms 
of A, A, the apex of which is made in a single, unintemipted 
stroke; also the pendent ends to the upper limb of T. On the whole 
the palaeographical type is just such as to suggest the date fixed by 
the internal evidence of the text. 

It is the contents of the text which give our diptych its unique 
character. So far as I can ascertain, there are but very few inscribed 
ecclesiastical diptychs extant, especially from Eastern Christendom ; 
none showing a liturgical text at all similar to this. For here we find, 
upon the deacon's tablets, not only the names inscribed of those to 
be commemorated, but also parts of those preliminary formulae ol 
prayer which usually have their place in the office book and in the 
mouth of the priest. The tablets were, we may suppose, t^en by 
the deacon from the altar at that point in the Mass where we read the 

words o ciaxavov ra Sirrvx^,^ OT elsewhcTC eiVaTS To oirofiara, c'lrare,'"' 

and read by him while the priest continued his prayer." The form 
of words here used is characterized (as Mr. Brightman has pointed 
out to me) by the precedence given to the names of the living over 
those of the dead ;'3 the first person named is the reigning patriarch 
of Alexandria. 

And here we must take note of the evidence of a revision which 
this diptych has undergone. Not only is the text we are describing 
a palimpsest, but we see, in II. i and 35, that a third hand has been 
at work. Its script is coarse and the ink, though faded, is quite 
black, in contrast to the reddish-brown of the other. This third 

^ Cf. Brit Mas. Ci^. Catal., pi. 8, 171, Can. Athanasius, plate 

» Cf. Can. Alh., pUte, 1. 16. 

* Brightuan \i% 9. 

I* JUNKIB in Atg. Zeilschr. xl, 13, 13, with references. 

" Brigktman 331, 3. TOKt, Rlissale pKS". Elsewhere the priest \t 
djstincdy va follow, e.g. Bauhstark in Orient Christ, i, 31. 

" HuopidTBTai of > living bishop (or patriarch), Brightman I39i 33> 
Leyden MSS. Ceptts, 131, Rbnaudot, Lit. Or. (1847)1, >«> W- fiMK-^tirnt, 
e.g. Rev. Egypt, ix, 175); of a deceased, Aeg. Zeilschr.- \l, la, Brit. Mus. Paf. 
IxKviii, 35. 




scribe either washed out the text of t. t, or merely ignored it, 
obliterating it with the name of the actual patriarch. 

The patriarch's name is followed as usual by that of the local 
bishop actually in office. Then come the mentions of the clergy 
and people, of those making offerings, and those who have done sa 
The repeated phrase ending with to cix'H>""W""' should imply a 
preceding verbal clause, such as rpoa&t^ai o Beat . . , i^ The exacdy 
parallel words in the Bohairic liturgy: 'A^^a AA (cc) mpif -ni 

ipj^ienaicartiv t^t /le^aXovoXtiBt 'AXt^avSpeiai 101 tbtv upBolo^ir ^p^ 

hriBKoirmv to evxapiirr^piov^* are not easy tO fit grammatically 
into their context, unless to tix- refers solely to the immediately 
before-mentioned reigning patriarch. 

The second section (11. 1 5 S.) commemorates, or rather invokes,'* 
the Virgin, John Baptist, John the Apostle, Mark Evangelist, Veixx, 
and the rest of the Apostles. Mr. Brightman remarks here upon 
the unwonted presence of the Apostle John and of Peter. As to 
the former, I would suggest that his addition is an error. For the 
remnants of a Sa'idio liturgy name this group twice over, and in tins 
self-same context: m£OTO Ae TeMXoeic THpu TeT7Aef>oT 
TeeeoAUJKOc qtotaab UApia uuni&rioc itueAMHHC 
nenpoApouoc artu nsAnricTHc at(u nnApeeuoc atw 
nuAprrpoc UMnzanoc CTe<t>ANOC etc^>* applying the tide 
'Virgin "to the Baptist.''' So too does Grenfell-Hunt, Gk.Pa^.'^ 
na cxiii. As to St. Peter, his traditional connection with Mark 
may possibly account for his presence^ though not indeed for his 
place after his disciple. 

Thereupon follows the usual catalogue of past Alexaitdrine 
patriarchs, extending here to Andronicus. We are thus enabled to 
fix pretty closely the date of our text : it must have been written 
after the death of Andronicus (623) and before that of Benjamin 

>■ Bbiohtuan 139, 31, 19. 

■< Cairo Euehclogion T^H (emended]. Cf. too BriL Mni. Copt. Caitl., 
no. 971. Somewhat differently phrased id the deacon's office aj^ieDded to bjmn 
books, t.g., Brit Mus, Lc, no. 890, p. 453, Bodl. Hunt. 156, pRH. 

'* Baumstark, Mtue im Merginland {\gob) 176. 

" Paris MS. to^ I39"> ff. 131, 116 (being pp. 61 and 136 oT a HS. «b>di 
contained several Anaphoras), 

>' HofMrat as epithet of the Bapdst, i.g. Brit. Mua. Ccpt. Cat., p. 404>i 
Tdki's TliiBlMa, Cie, C/. Synax., y»ii BaUnah, '. . . and he dianli oo wine, 
neitlier knew he woman.' 




(663), whose name we assume to have occupied L i. Subsequently 
the third scribe, relegating Benjamin, in his turn, to the catalogue of 
the deceased (1. 35), inserted in 1, 1, as we have aheady observed, 
the name of Agatho (663-680). We notice moreover that this 
revising scribe leaves the name of the actual local bishop (IL 3, 4) 
untouched. Is this an oversight or does it imply that that bisho|. 
survived the accession of Agatho? On this see below. 

Comparison of the names in this catalogue with those of other 
lists shows that the forms'^ here are, for the most part, the 
'Jacobite,' to be found in the Patriarchal Chronicle and its derivates-^ 
Synaxarium, liturgical lists such as the present etc. — and differing 
considerably from the earlier forms preserved by Eusebius. This 
is especially conspicuous in the cases of uiAioT ('Ai/i/Xfor)," 
erUOMIOT {Ev/iei^i), UApKIAMOr {MapKui), HpAKAeiOT 
CH^jcXai), The constant genitive termination is due, of course, to 
the foregoing to e^x"/"'^?/"'"'- 

The sequel, upon panel B, consists of two sections : one 
(11. 41-57) giving the catalogue of the local bishops, the other 
(II. 58-65) commemorating, anonymously, the saint— it is noticeable 
that still only ' martyrs ' are intended — proper to the day. Though 
the panel is blank from 1. 65 to the bottom, we cannot be sure, that 
nothing was upon the right-hand fragment, now lost For it will 
be observed that the last section (U. 58-65) is written, not like 
the first and second (11. 1-19), continuously, across the whole panel, 
but in short lines, extending just half way — and, as it happens, just 
up to the broken edge of this actually preserved fragment. One 
is thus inclined to wonder whether panel B had not already lost its 
right side, before the present text was written. 

This list of bishops is very perplexing. The actual bishop, at the 

'^ The forms were collecLed by Gutschmid, AZ Scir. n, 432 and 49S. For 
tbe Pall. ChroD., v. now Evbtts' edition {I\Ut. Or.). For ihe Bohairic diptych 
lisli, v. DB1.APORTE, Xev. Egypt. «ii, 5 (I have compared several in MS.) ; for 
the Synaxarium^ Che editions of Bassbt and Forget. The earliest Bohaiiic 
fonna are those in the Passioa. of Peter (Hyvkknat, AcIis 366, 271, 274), 
Besides theae there aie interesting fragioents of three SaSdic diplychs ; Brit. Mut. 
Caial, no. 971 (contemporacj with onrs), ib. do. 155 {not much younger) and 
Berlin K^. Urk. 00. 186 (where for recto, read vino). This last reaches Mark, 
49th patr., eb. 819. Note, following him, the meoiion of Ignatius 9»^^t, m in 
Brit. Mns. DO. 514, nbicb is itselfa sort of diptych, lho\^h difficall to interpret. 

'* On this rmme, v. Db Ricci, Rev, Arckial., 1906, 320. 



time of writing, is Pesynthius "> (11. 3, 4). It is natural, having 
regard to the contempotary patriarch, to assume this to be the 
famous bishop of Coptos, canonized in the calendar upon the 13th 
of Abib, and belauded for his virtues and miracles in a well-known 
Encomium.'' Few Coptic worthies have bequeathed to us so much 
biographical material as he. Besides the &cts to be gathered from 
his Encomium, we have a considerable collection of the actual 
letters — fn^mentary, it is true — addressed to him on matters of 
diocesan administration, by clerics and civil officials; and besides 
these, incidenul references in the ostraca, in AbO SUib and 
elsewhere. Quite recently he has appeared afresh in the interesting 
Upper Egyptian recension of the Synaxarium, utilized by M. 
Basset.-^ And further, the British Museum has lately acquired a 
sermon ascribed to Pesynthlus,^ wherein he is called first MU. 
n[iceMeioc] [nanic]Konoc NTnoAt[c Ksqr] and, at the end, 
AnA. n. UHTOOT MTCINTI, i.e. his dwelling place prior to (and 
perhaps after) his appointment as bishop. If then it is this familiar 
figure whom we have to see in 1. 3, it should follow that the 15 
(possibly 16) names in II. 42-57 are those of his predecessors in the 
diocese of Coptos. But Le Quien " is able to record only three 
bishops here, prior to Pesynthius (Theodore ca. 320, Phoebammon 
in 431, Sabinus in 451). To these a vague addition is made by 
Basset's Synaxarium, which mentions a bishop Timothy, of un- 
known date.'* We seem then to be here upon a false track ; for not 

'*' A name propeily Theban, though occasionally met in other districts (excefH 
Ashmunain). In the (nshop's correspondence {Ktti. Egyfi, Jx, x) the Hetleniied 
neCTNeiUC is the invariable form. In J§mj deeds and ostraca nOCMTG 
is commonest, with its variant nOCTMTe. The Boh. Eulogy ha« niceMTI, 
niCONTIOC; Mid. Eg. texts, niCeM+, niCIMt. I have noted 31 
variant forms. (niCTMeeoc, Cairo Buihahs. THO, looU like an etymo- 
logical emendation by the editor.] The Arabic has adopted both the popular 
fjLL— f {Synax., AbQ Salih) and lilerary u^^^Au^ {Paris MS. AraU 150) 
i_;«jU^-if (Bassbt, Sjmax. 490) ; Ethiopic, the latter only. 

" Ed. AMi;uNEAUin^/<'m. di r /nil. EgyftieH u {lU^). 

^ Bassbt, /.<-. The narrative wherein he occurs is incomplete and obsciue. 
Shenonte and Constantine recall bishops so named in Gbenfbll, Gil. Paf. i, 
nos. Ixiii, Ixvi, the latter being presumably the well-known writer {BriL Mtis. 
Calal. p. 363, note). Cf. also the names in the lelter flai. Egyft, ii, 145, 
Again, Abraham, bishop of HQ-Diospolis, recalls the bishop in the Acts of 
Manasse {Afisiien iv, £73). If identical, we could thence date these Acts. 

" Or. 6800. " ii, 607. " Bassbt, <ifi. cit., 497. 




one of these names occurs in this diptych. But perhaps our list does 
not pretend to completeness ; it may, for example, begin only after 
the monophysite schism.'* If we take 600 as an approximate date for 
the episcopal consecration of Pesynthius ^ and assign an avoage 
of 10 years of office to each of the 15 names in our list, we 
arrive at 450, the year preceding Chalcedon. And so the absence of 
Le Quien's three might be accounted for. An argument of course 
for the diocese of Coptos would lie in the isth and last name, 
Moses, that being also the name of the author of Pesynthius'Encomium, 
whom — though this is nowhere distinctly staled — it is usual to take 
for his successor. S8 But here unfortunately Moses is certainly bis 
immediate predecessor. For had Pesynthius been dead," his name 
would naturally have appeared in the blank space below that of Moses, 
and not in 1, 3, the "diptych of the living," 

Let us then consider the claims of a neighbouring diocese.^ 
The second name, Pleinis,'' is that borne by a contemporary of 
Athanasius, in the see of Hermonthis,"' some 35 miles further 
South. The 6th name, Patermuthius is that of a bishop whose 
church (or tomb?) stood, in the 8th century, at Jtmi, in the diocese 
of Hermonthis." The loth, Ananias, is the name of another bishop 
of that town, met with thrice in documents of about the year 600.^ 
The 13th, Andreas, is that of a bishop of . . ., mentioned upon a 

" Various other principles of selection &re conceivable, which need not involve 
an unbroken chronological sequence. 

* He was consecraleti by Damianus (578-605), v. M^m. /ml. Eg. zi, 368, 

™ Op. Hi. 417, P. dying says to M., " Do ihou take charge of my books, for 
"thou wilt need them and shalt not escape that heavy burden," This 
Ameunsau (pp. 366, 309) and A. J. BuTLBit {Arab Conq. 87) interpret as 
referred to Che episcopacy. The title of the Encomium names M. as bishop of 
Cuptos, but say! nothing as to his having succeeded P. immediately. 

^ Tradition put his death before the Arab conquest [ see his ' Piopbecies,' 
loietelling the arrival of M&mSdilis and his people (Paris MS. Amie 150, f, 6 ff.). 

" Not the adjoining ; for according to the list of sees (AMtLlNBAU, C/iifr. 573), 
that of Kus intervened. 

" Another Thebtin Dome, common in the }imi documents and ostraka. 
Means ?' Steel ' (forms RAAeiMR, n\air are found); i/. BGUini-^iulfd, and 
ttlATT (Brit. Mus. Cefi/. Calal. p. 449). (NB. Pbvbon's n.\ikeiH is merely 
wiiAiav', V, Rossi, Pap. I, II, 41.] 

" Le Qoibn ii, 6og. The same or ? a namesake bad been ordained before 32S 
(AtUASAS., Hill. Ar. g 72). 

" Aeg. Zeilsehr. nin, 11, mvi, 130. 

** Crdh, Oslr. no. Sj ; referred to as dead in middle of Slh cent., Berlin F. 
10606 {]iiai]. 




Jimi ostracon of about the same date.^ The 14th, Abraamios, 
is home by the bishop of Hennonthis in the Greek will, Brit. Mus 
Paf. Ixxvii, who is probably identical with the Abraham, so repeatedly 
occurring in the D^ el-Bahri (J£m^) ostiaca, and osntemporaiy with 
the patriarch Damianus (578-605)." But of these Hennonthite 
bishops, Pleinis must, by his date, be exclude*!, if we are assuming 
our catalogue to be solely monophysite. Abandoning that assump- 
tion, however, and at the same time increasing the average of years 
imputed to each bishop, say to 15, we may reach back into the latter 
half of the 4th century, and so perhaps include him. 

Another hypothesis indeed su^ests itself, whereby the appearance 
of Pesynthius of Coptos, in company with the Hennonthite bishops 
might be reconciled. He was, says his panegyrist,^ not merely a tight 
" in our poor nome (of Coptos, no doubt), but rather a protector for 
" all our district " (x"^/""). An ostracon, most probably from D6r el- 
Bahri {i.e. diocese of Hermonthis), refers to him as " bishop of our 
" bodies and souls " ; ^ while the writer of another, certainly coining 
thence, appears to appeal to him in r^ard to a matter relating to the 
clergy of JEm^." Several of those who write letters, asking his help 
or insttuctions, come from places at some distance from Coptos. But 
we cannot be certain as to the diocese in which these lay,^ and the 
above citations may suffice to justify the su^estion that the position 
of Pesynthius, either as bishop of Coptos," or owing to the 
veneration in which he was held, was somewhat that of a metropolitan 
among his neighbouring colle^ues. If so, his mention, among 
bishops of Hermonthis, may seem less irregular. 

It is unfortunate that internal evidence does not then allow us to 
fix precisely the provenance of Mr. Bryce's diptych ; but that 
detracts little from the liturgical value and palaeographical importance 
of this interesting relic. 

' ** Crum, op. lit., DO. lES. 

* I.C., p. xiu IT., and Brit. Mua, Coft. Col., p. ii, note. 

" IhsiU. Eg. ii, 344. 

" Cauu, Ostr. do, 35. 

» Op. cil., no. 386. 

" V. Letters dos. I, 3, 5, II, 19, 37, io Xev. Egypt, ix. Neither KGs doc 
9ienh6t (dm. 19, 3) could well be in tint of Coptot. 

" Coptos, at a later period, wai termed the metropolit of the second Thebajl 
proviiKe (Byx. Z. ii, 25). 


SB-A. Proceedings. December. igo8. 

In Mr. XP. Moir Bryce's Collection. "^^OO^^IC 


Plate II. S.B.A, proceedings, December, 1908. 





Panel A. 

A-Mi A.Vi©[u3noC ? ? 

[tut] UAKAplUTTATOT HUWM n&Tp[lJ^X-] 

[ot] to erjc&picTHpioM : kai aha no- 
[c]TMOior TOT ociujTATOT HutuN enic- 


10. THpiAC K, TriQIAC T(UM npOCHIJ<ir- 
TH CHUepOM HUepA - Kj nAMTUlM TU|[m] 

npocftxipoMTUiN : 



A<iinApeeHOT UApiAC • AHA Iujam[mot] 





I, Whtt yna here, in (be original hand, is wholly illegible now. 
a. Scarce room Ua TOT, Perhaps merely IIATpoC U end and nothing 
before TO 103. 

3. ABBA possible (^. 61), but lets probnble. t6. Room for TOT at end. 
17. Room for Ky M end. 19 end. So Brichtuan. 






35. erueHiOT 



30. AHUHTpiOT 

35. nerpoT 




40. TiuoeeoT 













Panel B. 

OTI a[o KAI . . . 


45. UAKAplOT [ 

a the assumption that lines 4 

, 43 extended light macm the 




50, nAnMOTeio[T 

lepAKOC [ 

nerpoT [ 

55. AMApeA [ 



APioT AeAO(t>opor 

60. K, NIKH<l>OpOV 

65. CHUepOM HUapAM 

47. I cannot complete this name, 10 tlTange in CIiristiaD times. 
HKIUAIC (nCPUlA) is baldly likely; c/. SovkSAu (Sfiboklbirq, Eigen' 
namea no. 287}. FormE toch as Ttfrn-rrrf/tTru {lb., no. 440}, we simihi, 
though here the Gist r has fallen out. The prefixes T«r> and Z>r- again leem to 
be, in almost all cases, Theban, 

57, Something, apparently in the hand of the jHesent scribe, has been efbced 
between this and 58. Above STI one can cleailj' lead U), perhaps {ui. 
Farther np no trace of anything is recognisable. 



By S. Langdok. 


The Root Sakaku and its Derivatives. 

One of the most difficult problems of Assyrian lexicograpfa}' 
is the root Tptp concerning which the lexicons offer uncertajn 
information, Delitzsch gave two roots (a) to "rise abov^" 
{i) "fence about" (?), Muss-Arnolt seems to have been unable 
to classify the meanings, but I infer that he assumes two roots 
(a) "to pierce," (b) "harrow": the former is probably based upon 
ZiHMERN {Ritual Tafeln, 1131]), where, in two passages, the priest is 
told to string or thread stones upon a thread \ina nabaii dami'iiakiak, 
ina riksi tamt iiaiiak]. In tno other passages cited by Zlliusuf 
the same construction occurs : IV R., 571T i i-t3 (= King, Mapt, 
no. 12) 4 iUini ^ad&ti iUen ta "*" parvtti ilten ia ^urap ittm la 
"*" ukni iiten !a ''' m/si lepui aiart parutti aban (lurasi aban uhii 
kvnukka ina birit iMni jadUti ina ^l kitt tatakkak, " four joy-lninging 
gods thou shall make, one of alabaster, one of gold, one of lapis- 
lazuli, and one of m»»-wood : a jewel of alabaster, of gold, of laps- 
lazuli and a seal' among the joy-bringing ^ods upon a linen thread 
thou Shalt string." IV R., 55a 14 <= Z.A., XVI, 186, 34) ina HpaH 
jafynafi tatakkak. In only one case is a thread (^i<) used, the idea 
does not fit with riksu, " a band," nor Sifati, " a woollen garment," so 
that this meaning is certainly not clear. 

Delitzsch assumes a meaning "to rise above," as obtain; for 

' ' Adim M/S, which, ir.mleDdcd 10 cortespond to the fourth image aban, 
thonid ratbermewi a " ]imktt of tneiu-viooi," 



which the Sumerian is UD'DU{= e). Certain is J('Wa/«,="moun- 
tain height," "preeminence," "leadership" (cf. in addition to 
Delitzsch, 656A, Muss-Arnolt, 1034^, also Stkeck in Babylomaca, 
II, 52 and Jensen, K.B., VI, i, 314). Sikkatulu, "preeminence," 
is evidently a double formation from iikkatu. A further proof for 
the same sense is sag = iakaku in K^ 4196. Yet laJULku in the 
ritual texts above is usually written UD-DU with or without a 
phonetic complement -aA. Furthermore, UD-DU = iakdku in 
V R., 19, 30 is followed by iakaiu la aim and iakiku ia Sikkatim. 

Evidently then UD-DU= iakaku, "to be preeminent," is the 
same verb as that used for placing jewels or trinkets upon a thread or 
woollen cloth ; this latter act is expressly intended by iakdku ia abni. 
In iakdJiu ia likkatim we have probably to assume for iiikatu the 
meaning "sprout," "young stalk" and "the whole" = "to harrow 
the springing grain sprouts " ^; the Sumerian ideogram here is tig-i-Hg- 
ga, in which tig-i = likkatim and slg = iakdku, hence a synonym of 

The meanings " project," " be eminent," "fasten or string jewels 
to a cloth," and "to harrow land," seem at first impossible of 
combination into a single root, yet the Arabic iu "to bore with a 
pointed instrument," "to attach oneself to," "cling to," is evidently 
at the basis of the entire series.' 

For iakdku, "to harrow," the usual Sumerian word is tir 
[Meissner, S.A.I., 3839] which occurs in gd»-tir = ma-ai-ka-ak- 
ka-iam, perhaps = "cultivation," "husbandry," in V Raw., 520, 43. 

The piel permansive iukiuku in the Amama Letters is used for 
"placing jewels in a setting," Muss-Arnolt, 1026^; Meissnek, 
Supp^ment, 93^. The verb can therefore mean "festen stones to 
the surface of a cloth," or " sew them to the cloth " (?), " string them 
upon a thread," or " place them in a metal setting." Only one root, 
however, exists. For additional examples of iaksku = " harrow," 
V. Hammurabi Code, 13, 12, and Meissner, Altialy. Privatreckt, 77, 
and for sakikiS = "eminently," Sumerian an-nu, Rbisner, Sumtrisck- 
Bab.-Hymnen, 39, 6. A iikkatu, " fence," has been entered in the 
lexicons for iik{?)-ka/ musari uSakkak, Haupt, A.S.K.T., 73, 5 f;, 

^ Oiliiiafu = "thorn," "bramble," Heb. l(\Sf, pi. D*?!^, v. Gessnius-Buhi., 
717. C/. alao Aramaic KSp, "a thorn," " plooghthare," "spade." [Thii com- 
pamon I owe to Dr. A. Cowlby.] 

' Atamuc and Hebrew 1]3S, "be pMnted." . . 




provided the text is correct this probably means "hehairowed the 
brambles of the garden." 

Other words which belong doubtfully to this root are iakku, Siiku 
Muss-Arnolt, 1025^, and Hkkalu, 1034^, 3, and Meissner, 
Supplement, 93. Sikka/u is " a box for ointment " and a synonym of 
iappalu, "pot," or "leather bag," both having the ide<^am {^^^_ 
[K.B., VI, I, 490], and cf. iikkat piUaiiQ), "ointment box," in 
K.B., VI, I, 234, 76, also Babyloniaca, II, rr6. Direct evidence for 
iikkafu&s "ointment box" is thtSnTntnanduk-liS={karpatpal!ati) 
= iikkalu, cited after Meiesner by Jehsem and Muss-Arnolt 
Since iappatu was probably a "leather purse," tikkatu then was a 
"leather bottle or bag," and has the determinative fuiaiu [Xl/] "a 
pliable article," in the Sumetian KU-tu-keida, Br., 11936, which, as 
Jensen (loe. dt!) shows, is a synonym of sunu (11911) and (lakaltu) 
1 1914, and in V R., 19a, 30-33, takaitu* follows iikkattt. Moreover, 
JJTPf = tu-un-=i iaptu in a list of vessels and articles 83-1-18, 
1330, obv. II, 30 \P.S.B.A.y 1888, Dec.] there = j«hk ia^uQ") a 
tall sunui^) with which compme iap tit Saplitu, Br., 11918. iaptu of 
comse=iappalu (both loan words) with which compare ^uppu and 
^upturn, both = 1111!. 83-1-18, 1330, IT, 35 and 37. [The root 
iapAlu is used in at least two forms for "a basin," iapiltum, II R., 63, 
no. 3, 59-66, and Suppulu, 83-1-18, 1330, II, 36]. For likkatu 
with a determinative if», v, IV R., 55^, 33, 28 in both cases = 
"ointment box." 

It follows then that Hktum with the determinative ^ubaiu is the 
same word as tikkatum on the analogy of iappatu, Iaptu, etc., which 
is to be explained also as "ointment bottle or bag." From ointment 
bottle to ointment is an easy step, hence the phrase kima buriitktati 
parallel to ktma ^ri ^tmiti in Surpu VII, 90-92, i>., "like an 
ointment vase." 

Sikku, with the Sumerian value a/-us-sa, Br., 5763, is "a vessel" 

* TaJtaOu, "« leather bag " WfV., 320*] belongs under the root ^3K. "to 
e«," M is dear from 83-1-18, 1330, obv. U,!l8i.,«bai ti-iai = laiitltum,Ai-im 
^ maMaitum, both wordi for "dish," "bowl," especislly of the bowl nstd bf 
barn priests in hydromancy, Gray, Bamai, PI. II, 43 ; K.B., VI, i, 373 ; Z.A., 
XVII, igon, 6, Tataiiu, possibly = "stomach," Zimkbbn, Beitrage, 98, 36, 
KiJCHLlR, Medicint, 82, but as the ZC^ occurs in omens over the liver, BoissiBK, 
Cheixdt Ttxlei, 64, I4i w"! according to Jastrow [Iteligiim, II, 213] only the 
liver can be taken into consideratioii in omens, the meaning "ctoniftch" it 




{iarpatu), and of course to be separated from Hkku "hog"{?) or 
"mouse" (?) {K.B., VI, i, 537], Delitzsch, 657, S.A.I., 394, with 
Muss-Arnolt [and K^iiCUlMs^, Medicine, \ib]. I7n-ka!ig-ga = susikku, 
^- 55t Tev. 17, is not to be read maiak iikku, and cannot be admitted 
with Muss-Arnolt under this heading. The ideogram lig- ^ffjf = 
efennu ta katfatu tikki, Br., 3295, indicates possibly the "neck of a 
iikku bottle." Another Sumerian word is na-rti-a, S.A.I., 910, but 
the context is obscure, Al-us-sa occurs in KOchler's texts, Taf. X, 5, 
where Jensen's correction is certain, i.e., arki-lu iikki (abUti iiati, 
" then he shall drink a bottle of mixed wne." There is then no 
reason for assuming a meaning alum after the Syriac itf^jt with 
ZiMMERN and KUCHLER. Sikku is certainly the same word as 
tikkatu, "leather bag," "botde," and especially "ointment bottle or 

For iakku, "a vessel," Br., 6533, Muss-Arnolt, 1025, the reading 
AI^', 87, 65, is very uncertain, so that the form had better be 

"■'maliaiafu aban ladi, in Cuneiform Texts, VI, aSrt, 12, I would 
translate " instrument for piercing or hewing limestone " ; for ahan 
iadi = "limestone," v. KOchler, Medicine, 12";. 

The corrections that must be made under this root are therefore 
many and compel us to rearrange the entire material of both lexicons. 
There is no reason for assuming a double root; a connection of 
iikku and iikkatu with the Syriac word for alum is impossible ; a 
word iikkatu, "fence," does not exist, Siktum is the same word 
(under another form) as iikkatu. 

The lexicographical formula for these words would then be : — 

pt?, iakaku, "be pointed," "penetrate," "project," "attach jewels 
to a cloth or string," " harrow." [Sum. i, tir]. II ' (pennan- 
sive lukkuku), "set a jewel." 

Sikkatu, "leadership," "eminence," "mountain peak," "bramble," 
" thorn." 

Sikkatutu, " leadership." 

*Sikkafu, "ointment bottle, box, bag." [Sum. iagan, {duk)-iii 
{fug)-(u-ietda, na-tH-a,^ 

*SikkUf idem. 

*&ktum, idem. [The connection of the last three words with 
this root is uncertain.] 

369 Y 



Maikakkatu, "husbandry," "agriculture" \gdn-^f\, 
Maikakatu, "an implement for boring or smoothing stones "* 
SaMkii, "eminently," [Sum. aa-««.] 

Sakku, " command," to Delitzsch, 657a, and Muss-Armolt, 
1035^, add B.A. V., 31 1, 44. 

Pui^u, IV Rawunson, 30a, II. 

BollenkOcher, Nergal, p. 48, argues for a meaning "womb,'' 
"lap," since pap^al, Br., 1157, has also the meaning /wriotv, "1^-" 
This is denied by Jastrow, Rel. I, 479, n. 8. BoLLESRtJcHKR's 
explanation is, however, favoured by the facts. Jensen's exposition, 
K.B., VI, I, 508, whereby he arrives at the meaning "leg" iat 
puridu, is convincing. The root is y^-, "shiver with cold," fiTom an 
original meaning "hurry," "hasten," seen in ,)^ "messenger," 
Further, par&du is a syn. of ar/X^u, "to journey," and gaUUu, "be 
nervous," all of which in Sumerian = gir^ S.A.I., 193, 175 and 178. 
On gaiStu and galddu, " tremble," see Babyhniaca, II, 1 33. Further, 
pirittu = "fright" {i.e., "trembling"), Br., 8463 and K., 4r, III, i, 
here Sum. im-ten, which has usually the meaning "fear." In the 
intensive forms piel and Shafel these roots mean "cause one to 
hasten," "to frighten" J d. urri^anni, "they hurried meabout,''K., 41, 
II, 23 : uparridanni, " he hurried me away," K., 41, II, 9. See also 
Babyl., II, 304. IP forms seem to mean "slip away"; cf. toB^ 
uptarrtdu, "an oath slipped away thoughtlessly," K., 4668, 6. Hence 
puridu, "that which hastens," "leg," axiA pit puriJi, "to extend 
the limbs," i.e., "to stride." Puridu also= "fright" as the fern. 
pirittu in LSS, I, p. 54, 46, amilu ina puridim u danatim ufii, 
"the man will escape from fear and trouble." 

* ri''^\2Vt), "thepheid's staff"; in Babyhniia lued ss the DBme of fiie "bdl 
sheep," i;.e., "the leader,"!'. Jastkow, Duti«nary ef tht Talmud, etc, p. 854: 
mott likely a loan word in late Hebrew. 




In C.T., XIV, 3, 9, birit pundits ^ bu-lv, followed by bif^ru 
= libi!!atu; the meaning of bifjuru="stCTet part," is certain, 
hence a similar meaning is probable for these four words. parOdu, 
HW., 538, therefore = " hmry." For other Sumeiian words for 
parddu cf. S.A.I., 340, bur and 3339 I>U, here = "cause to go": 
Br., Z279, mud, here perhaps "writhe in child-birth," hence mud 
^ aladu, "bring forth." 

The root paia^u = pbt " separate," " spread the legs," hence 
puS^u [piriitu is given as a gloss to puiku in our text], "womb." 



By F. Ll. Griffith. 

The collection of Mr. Moir Brvce, of Edinburgh, contains > 
piece of an Egyptian writing tablet which the owner has permitted 
me to study and publish. It is of wood, finely stuccoed so as to 
produce a hard yellowish glazed ivory surface. The bagment 
measures 14'$ cm. in length and about 2'5 in breadth. Mr. Nash's 
admirable photographs represent tt almost full size, and show the 
wTiting on both sides as clearly as the original. The bevelled edge 
remains at each of the narrow sides, and although the top edge is 
broken, the beginning of the bevelling is clearly seen ; so nothing 
of importance has been lost there. The fracture is along the graio 
of the wood. The tablet, when perfect, was doubtless oblong but 
it must have been unusually small if the lines of writing were ak«f 
the length of the tablet ; more probably they were written across it 
On one side, beginning close to the top, are three lines of hieratic 
in the style of the end of the XVIIIth dynasty. The text runs : — 

■■ (r ,',';:^Boc;^ 4>t.iM(iijgfiP 

1. I. Year 5, fourth harvest month, day 25, under the Majesty 
of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt Napkhuria L. P. H., Sod 
(of the Sun) Amenhotp, living for ever to eternity. 


S.BA. Proceedings, December, igo8. 

In Mr. W. Moir Bryce's Collection. 




1. a. Bargain made by Esse (A^j) with her brother the priest of 
Ammon Kba-raey r— 

Given to her (1. 3), 10 khetem of silver, for payment for 

ten days (of service) of the slave Ash-okhi {'!-'h-/). 

The second line ends with "^t these two signs being prolonged 
to near the edge: a dark brown stain obscures this part in the 
photograph, but the signs are quite certain on the original. The 
beginning of the third line has suffered in the fracture. It is quite 
possible that other lines followed immediately below, but if so, they 
must have been shorter, as nothing more is visible. 

The form of the second cartouche is rare, having jn. On ^ 
Heliopolia, instead of the usual 1. Thebes. Lepsius gives two 
examples in his KSnigsbuch, but I have not been able to trace their 

The date is of interest in connection with the history of the 
religious reform. In Kahun Papyri, PI. XXXVIII, a letter from 
Apiy to the king, found at Gurob, is dated in the same year, on the 
19th day of the third winter month. The present text seems at first 
sight to be five months later, but this is by no means certain. The 
years in dates under the XVIIIlh dynasty commenced independently 
of the calendrical New Year, on the anniversaries of the king's 
coronation. The date of this for Amenhotp IV being quite unknown, 
it cannot as yet be ascertained which of the two documents is the 
earlier ; it is clear, however, that they cover a good part of the fifth 
year, being either five or seven months apart, and thus reach to a 
date far later than the first dedication of Akhetaton (El Amama) on 
the 4th (or r3th?) day of the fourth winter month in the year 4 
(Davies, El Amama V, p. z8). In each the king is named Amen- 
hotp; the god Ptah is mentioned in the Gurob papyrus, and Ammon 
on the tablet. One other date is known of the king as Amenhotp. 
A papyrus at Berlin, from Kahun or Gurob (see below), was written 
in year 4, on the 7th of the second month of inundation, and 
another papyrus in the same group refers back to the second and 
third years of Amenhotp. A second dedication was performed at 
Akhetaton precisely two years after the first (day 13: possibly this 
was the regnal New Year). The condition of the boundary stelae 
recording the earlier ceremony is such that it would be difficult to 



decide whether the king was named Amenhotp upon them in the 
first instance : but if that was the case, the name was inevitably 
altered afterwards to Akhenaton {ib. PI. XXV, 1. 7, and PL XXXVII). 
In the sixth year Akhenaton was almost certainly the form originally 
engraved {ib. PI. XXXIX). An addition was made to some of the 
stelae in the eighth year. 

By Amenhotp's fourth year the reform can have reached only to 
the promotion of the new monotheistic Sun-god Aton (with cult- 
features borrowed from the Re-worship of Heliopolis) to a leading 
position in the hierarchy as sole god of the new Residence or ca[Hta]. 
The suppression of Ammon and of the other gods must have been 
subsequent to the fifth year. 

The text following the date on Mr. Brvce's tablet is well illustrated 
by a group of four papyri from Kahun or Gurob. Two of them, in 
the collection of Prof. Petrie, were first published by myself in 
Kahun Papyri, and were given again in an excellent edition by 
Mr. Gardiner with two more from the Berlin collection {Afg. Zeits. 
1906, 17). They range from year 27 of Amenhotp III to year 4 
of Amenhotp IV. All concern a certain herdsman named Mosi, 
and especially his hiring of female slaves. Two are prepaid 
" Bargains " like the present, and the other two are, respectively, a 
review of various transactions of this nature, and a decision of the 
vilU^e council in a dispute regarding a similar contract. 

Written contracts of any kind are exceedingly rare and scattered 
before the XXVth dynasty. This makes the group of " Bargains " 
for hire of slaves the more remarkable. Mr. Gardiner has drawn 
attention to the very high prices paid for the hire. A papyrus of 
the Xllth dynasty also, published in XaAuit Papyri PL XIII, 
11. 9-18, begins with the word translated "Bargain" (meaning literally 
"price"), and records the giving of four Asiatic slaves to two 
brothers, apparently as their emolument on appointment as priests. 
It would seem that in early times contracts were seldom made in 
writing, except in regard to valuable slaves. Mosi's arrangements 
were in all cases for women slaves, but in one instance it is stated 
that as the woman — or the weather? — was unfit on two days 
bargained for, the services of two male slaves for two days each were 
substituted (this may mean that a penalty of doubling the service was 
exacted). In the present document the slave is evidently male in 
name and designation, although the determinative to the name is 
marked vnth the spot which should distinguish the feminine. 



In the second line the preposition g > translated "with," 

might possibly signify that the bargain was made "between" Esse and 
her brother, but in the parallel documents ^ is the preposition 
so used, and g joms names of partners. Thus the meaning 

must be that the bargain was made between Esse and her brother on 
the one part and some unnamed person on the other. Esse was 
probably the real owner of the slave ; the payment is made to her, 
but her brother has rights which necessitate his consent to the 
bargain. So also in Gurob II, i, the bargain is made with the 
woman Piehe and her son Mina, but the payment is to her alone. 

Mr. Gardiner has shown that in all probability the Ichetem is 
-jVth of the teben. The services of the slave were thus worth rather 
under a kite or didrachma of silver per diem. At Gurob a female 
slave seems to have earned for her master the price of a bull 
(8 khetem) by four days' service to Mosi (Gardiner, t'i., p. 44). 

The contract on the tablet is brief enough to be merely a 
memorandum; possibly, however, some further details and the 
names of the witnesses followed below the fracture. 

On the other side of the tablet four lines are traceable from the 
end of an account : 



The third line I am unable to decipher : the signs printed may 
help towards the reading of the photc^jraph. 



By E. O. Winstbdt. 



{Confinued from pose 237.) 

Coptic Text — continued. 
AAHeuin PAP lb nGnpo<(>HTMc ototaab neueTcur AA-relA- 


MtuM? • ne neKAeo (u nppo maTkaIoc neMeiurr 


ne Mxe-.VAC miu • zTcnoTor Miu xu> uneruTAeio:: — 
QBOA xe-A-noxG neMtuM? THpeu iiOTre sptuTM MsTwe- 

TOTM^OOn eI:CUnKA2 • Xe-MACMHT ' ATlil MA:aBMp:-4- 

«BOA unoqelwT • UMueqArreAoc qtotaab ■ eifsui 
o uuoc ■ xe-nAQlurr foTui:?) • xokac iiua a | mok e+ 
uuoq uAp6-M6TeMorI-M6 ^uine iJeHTq"- :cQKAc ereuAT 
eneooT MTAKXApIv,e uuoq maI bboa xe-ATCApo; enA- 
^Axe • Mee eui uTAleApez eneK^^iAXfl: — nAsiuiT 



eroTAAft ■ noTMoq uneK^Axe-ne rue • atuj amok 
UHMAnOCTOACtC ■ AMEApe? epoq -^ tTBBO uuoi eApnoT 
nAeiwT ■ xfl-AT^wne e*mtBHr eurue •: — nAeicur 


TAnpo : -i- unoT^iiie mcaaaat mtoot • qIuhtbi neK- 

QBOA iJeHTOT - eiUHTBl R^UHpe UnXAKO • 0^3S6 U> 

MeMfliuTe eroTAAB MAnocTUAOC ■ A-n:3Hpe uriMorre 


nGiyt^e epou eu>u>M*ne • erpeuuepe thtth (ine- 
ZOTO : -t- eoTAM Ae eK:9AMuepe oTUApTTpoc ■ eio 
oTAl I KAioc - niuq noconc ?ix(uk • esoA xfl-noTconc [i] 
truo-ou UUATe iinuTo cboa motom miu: — 


6TG?Ai uneKpAM enBTxuiuJue - esoA xe-eMpeqcoiic- 


2Mpeqconc euior-Me : -;- MelAnocTOAoc as mtoot 
;Hpeqt-eAn-Me • iunelA HTuiCA<t>AT • : -t- Iujzanhhc 
neTAProAiCTHc ep-UMTpe • eqxui uuoc • xe-op^AM- 
n^Hpe ep thttm Mpuze • omtiuc TOTMMA^tune 
upu2a:-i- | releMTOAH HTAneiuiT taag unoquepifT Hi 
ii^Hpe A-n^DHpe euiuM) xApii,e uuoc MueqAnoc- 



TOAOC eTOTtUbB : -i- flTBenAi nerepe-HAnocTOAOc 
NAAAq iipuzo • n<!iHpe unuoTTe Mjuuiq wpu^e - 
neTepe-NAnocTOAoc haku> MAq bboa • nejcc makui 
HAq eeoA 2ujuiq:-i- atio nerepe-MAnocTOAOC ma+- 


MAq : -+- AAAA TeTMcoDTM CO RAAoc uuAi-nejcc enel^AjcB 


AAAA uee MOTArreAOC MTenMo-rra • ^^en ha^saxo 

epiUTH ■ OTMOBpe MUeTH'H'XH • 6p:!IAH-OTCON - H 

BTOTAAB : -i- B^wne nei^H>c-ne ■ unpnopxq 6AM^>6AC 
neqcoM : -t- eii^ANt MOTAPAnH euhpAH hIu>zammhc • 
(ihl u I [nJeKnopxq elAKtUBOC neqcoM : — ok^amtaac eun- 
pAH U(t>lAlnnoc ■ unoKnopjcq Hboa eBApeoAOUAloc - 
eBOA 3ce-OTTu>i;u MoruiT-ne : — bk^amtaac jfunpAH 
HBiuUAC • uneKnopiEq bboa euAeAioc ■ <Jboa xe- 

^AMTAAC eiinpAM MClUUtM - UneKnOpXq 6BOA elAKUt- 

Bon n:!iHpe MAA<t>Aloc • ; — tineKNAT enei^oc xe- 
nNocr-ne ^MMAnocTOAoc • atu> xe-Ape-ue^so^T mnu- 
nHTB iiTOOTq • iiTeTlieeuipef uTuieAMMHc • xe-sq- 


ijcuiTN • uuoM oTue NOTiuT neT6p6-n6rxoBlc ue 
uuooT HSHTq : — ATu> nelfuoT HoruiT-ne uTAn- 

XOeIC XApilf,6 UUOq mat THpOT BqXtU UUOC MAT - 
HTAUMTOpO • : • — 




[the rulers and the peoples]*' assembled with the God of Abraham, p. 3. 
What of Abraham that thou shouldst say : " they assembled with the 
God of Abraham " ? Were there then no men upon the earth at 
that time save Abraham alone, that thou shouldst honour him in 
such wise? "Yea," said the prophet, David, "There were many 
men upon the earth in the time of Abraham ; but none knew God as ' 
Abraham." For Abraham reproved them and their idols that were 
not gods ; and he ceased not to reprove them, till they were wroth 
with him and set fire to him. And when they cast Abraham into the 
fire, (and)*" the angel of the Lord came straightway to him and saved 
him from the fire; it did not touch him at all. And his fame went 
forth in the whole land of Mesopotamia, | that his God saved him p. 4. 
from the fire of Icing Sapor. 

And when the kii^ heard the report that Abraham was saved 
from the fire, (and) he was ashamed to send for him, as he had 
caused them to set fire to him. And straightway the king assembled 
twelve rulers of the people, and said to them : " Go to this man 
Abraham, and learn the truth in all things, how he has been saved 
from the fire. And again, take with you other mighty men on the 
way — for I have heard that the nations encircle him — that they take 
him not away from you before ye know the truth of all these things." 
And straightway the twelve rulers drew nigh unto him, and the 
mighty men looked, and they saw the peoples gathered together to 
our father, Abraham, Said the rulers to him : " Our father, Abraham, 
where is thy God that saved thee from the fire? That we too may 
see him | and worship him. And do thou make us a god able like p- 5- 
thy god to save us from the fire as he saved thee." And straightway 
Abraham smiled and said unto them : " Ye men of Mesopotamia, it 
is not my wont to make gods like your gods, nor to worship them at 
all. This god who saved me from the fire my father never saw nor 
worshipped." Said the rulers to him : " Our father, Abraham, we 
have told thee that thy God is more honourable than ours, for he 
saved thee from the fire," Said Abraham to them : " My God is 
more honourable than gold and precious stones, and anything of 

** I supply these words from below, p. 8. The plural of Kaii seems to be 
used for the singulu. 

" Round brackets denote words unnecessarily inserted in the text ; square 
brackets necessary words omitted. 




this world. But if ye wish to see my God and to know that he is 
honourable beyond everything upon the earth, j look ye at these 
creatures ({'wov pt.) which God made in the sky, the sun and the 
moon and the stars and the clouds of the air, that ye may know that 
he has power to save me from the fire." Straightway the crowds 
looked at him, saying: "Our father, Abraham, thou art not forty 
years old. Who taught thee this word which thou hast spoken to 
us? If thy God taught thee this mysterj-, we wish too to see 
a myster}', that he make us too believe on him." And straightway 
Abraham withdrew to one side apart and stretched out his hands 
and prayed to God. And thunder and lightning came from the sky, 
And straightway God spake with Abraham, saying : " I am the God 
of all things." | And straightway Abraham's face grew bright like the 
face of an angel of God through the glory of God who spake with 
him. And straightway the crowds fell upon the ground ; they were 
not able to look in the face of Abraham because of the glor^- of God 
which came upon him. And straightway they cried aloud saying 
with a single voice : " Abraham, friend of God, pray to thy God for 
us that this horror may depart from us, that we be able to speak 
with thee." And straightway God blessed our father, Abraham ; 
he gave beauty and grace to him in the presence of everyone. And 
God revealed to him many other mysteries, the things which would 
happen to him afterwards : and straightway he hid himself from him. 
And straightway Abraham cried aloud saying to every one: "The king 
of all the mighty men of the earth, our God is (?) exalted." And this 
saying I was spread abroad concerning Abraham : " The rulers and 
the peoples were gathered together wi[h the God of Abraham, for 
the king of all the mighty men of the earth, our God is (?) exalted." 

For verily, holy prophet, our father, David, (for) what is fair 
(koXwi !) is fitting to thee at all times, from thy shepherding of sheep 
to thy prophesying : for a living life was thy life, just king, our holy 
father, David. 

Verily, our holy fathers the Apostles, it is right that every tongue 
and every lip voice your glory, for Christ, the life of us all, called you 
while ye were yet upon the earth, "mybrethem and my friends," 
apart from the great glory he rendered unto you in the presence of 
his father and the holy angels, saying: "My father, I will that, 
where I am, | these that are mine may also be there, that they may 
see the glory which thou hast given to me, for they have kept my 
word, even as I have kept thy word, holy father. The joy of thy 



word is the truth : and I, with the Apostles, have kept it. I sanctify 
myself for them, my father, for they have been sanctiiied in truth. 
My father, alt whom thou didst call, I drew to myself with the word 
of my mouth. They sought nothing from me save thy name alone, 
that thou keep them, that none of them perish save the son of 

Our holy fathers the Apostles, if the Son of God commended 
(irvviirjdfai) you in the presence of his father [saying], " They loved 
me," i[ is right for us too to love you the more. And when thou 
lovest a martyr or a just | man his consolation'^ is with thee, for p. 10. 
their consolation is very great in the presence of everyone. 

If thou doest an act of charity in the name of these holy Apostles, 
whether it be a sacrifice thou offerest in their name, or a book thou 
givest in their name, and thou givest it to the church that they may 
read it, or anything whatsoever that thou givest in their name in any 
way : or (in) a feast given in their name to the poor and strangers 
and needy, rejoice my beloved, they have written thy name in their 
books, for they are perfect consolers. And the just men and the 
martyrs are consolers ; but these Apostles are judges in the valley of J"' "'■ "■ 
Josaphat. John, the Evangelist, bears witness, saying : "If the Son 
make you free, verily you shall be free." | This commandment which p. 11. 
the Father gave to his beloved Son, the Son, too, gave to his holy 
Apostles. For this reason, whomsoever the Apostles shall make free, 
the Son of God shall make him free : whomsoever the Apostles shall 
forgive, Christ will forgive him too, and to whomsoever the Apostles 
shall give inheritance, the Son of God giveth him inheritance. 

But, god-loving people, mark this word which I utter, that ye 
restrain *- (?) not yourselves nor act foolishly, but receive my word 
as [that of] an angel of God for the good of your souls. If a brother 
or a sister among you call on the name of one of these holy Apostles ; 
if it be Peter, separate him not from Andrew, his brother : if thou 
givest charity in the name of John, | separate him not from James, p. 12. 
his brother : if thou givest in the name of Philip, separate him not 

*" The word translated here and later, " consolation," may also mean prayer ; 
and a compound of (he same word I have translated "consolers," rather thuti 
" oRereis of prayer." 

« The word CASIT (or CU>3T) generally means "be under restraint." 
"be delained," or "detain" (cf. Koptischi Urkutiden atts dem K. Mvi. su Berlin 
3, a6 ; 7, 13); but its meaning is often doubtful (ef. Ckum, Ceplic Oilraia, 
p. 16, no. 61, note 4). 




from Bartholomew, since they are one invocation : if tboa givest in 
the name of Thomas, separate him not from Matthew, sii>ce they 
share all things in common ; ** if thou givest in the name of Simon, 
separate him not from James, the son of Alphaeos. Look not to 
Peter because he is the greatest of the Apostles and has the keys 
of heaven in his hands, and to John because he is undying, and 
leave the rest of the Apostles, for it was one love with which their 
Lord loved them, and this same grace did the Lord bestow upon 
them all, saying to them : "Ye shall eat and drink with me at the 
table of my kingdom." 

Since the publication of the first part of this article. Dr. von Lemm, 
with his accustomed generosity, has sent me a copy of the Boigian 
fragment of this life, Zoega ccxxii* (not ccxxii, as I inadvertently 
stated). It contains part of the same text as the Bodleian fragment, 
banning at TOTSoq (p. 235, L 2) and ending at atuj NTOTMOT 
(=ATU> A-eMeBpHcre, p. 236, 1. 14-15): and it cannot, as 
Cruh suggests, come from the same MS. as the Brit. Mus. fragment, 
since the two overlap. The fact that three distinct MSS. exist 
shows that the life must have been fairly popular. 

I give a collation of Dr. von Lemm's copy with the text as 
printed from the Bodleian fragment, marking the readings with the 
letter N (= Neapolitanus). - 

23S1 !■ 3. Ae] om. N. 4-s, atui-mcuk)] &qxooT mcuk| 
Aq^ine, N. (= he sent to him being ashamed). 6, Ae] 
om. K. 8, HTeTMeiu6-Miu] unpK&Aq eei ^iiApoi 
»fAHteIUB eztUB Miu, N. (= let him not come to me till 
I know everything). 8-9, enKtu^r max* MZe] mas* 
Mee-eunKU3[z]T,N. 9,'H;eM[Ke])>ujuB, N. ii,mtoot] 

MT6,N. 14, MaCtOU)pe,N. 14-15, ATtO-eeOTM] ATUI 

HAAOC ercoorz, N. 16, rai] om. N. 17, enKtozT ■ 


( = and let us too see a god who is mighty). 18-19, MTAq- 


* Lit., " > tingle tcoimfta it is which is in their midst >t a time." 



<i(|,N. NCUJBe,N. 20, ueconoAAulA, N. zi, tauio, 
N. 23, uneq^u^e] uneqoTcosrr, N. 25, neuxoeic] 
neHeitoT, N. 17, xe] ha?, N. 

336, 1. I, mat] om. N. z, UMMKA-Kocuoc] om. N. 4, er- 
eixuRKAe] MTenelKocuoc, N. mhtm] uferMMAT, N 

Mcior, N. HAHp] UM NAHp, N. 13, COKq, N. 
enore, N. 15, A-eMeepHire] MT[eTMOT], N. 



By H. H. Spoer, Ph.D. 

The following twelve inscriptions which I lately had the 
good fortune to copy at Nablus were found, those with sunk letters 
for the most part on Mount Ebal, the others among the ruins of 
houses in and about the town. 

The form of the sunk letters is the same as in the inscriptions 
published by G. Rosen, which he assigns to a period earlier than 
that of Justinian. 1 Schroeder, arguing from the form of the 
letters — practically identical with those of the following illustrations 
with incised characters — concluded that an inscription which he has 
lately published belongs to the twelfth century.* The inscription 
with similar letters which I here reproduce (Inscription A) was 

Inscription A, 

found built into the wall of a recently discovered church, obviously 
Crusading, excavated opposite Jacob's Well. This therefore gives us 

1 Z.D.M.G., Vol. xrv, pp. 6» ff. 
' Z.D.P. v., VoL XXX, pp. SSI ff., 1908. 



a date at least prior to the Cnisades — how much older we have no 
means to ascertain. Positive evidence for the date of early inscrip- 
tions being very rare, this fact is -of special epigraphical value. It 
would be very interesting should an actual date be discovered upon 
the stone itself, which is still encrusted with piaster which I could 
not get permisdon to remove. 

An interesting date is (bund in sunk letters on Inscription 3 : In 
the year 2800 of tht dwelling of Israel in the land of Canaan. 
According to the Samaritan Chronicle' the occupation of Palestine 
took place in the year 3844 after the Creation, which would give 
5644 as the date of this inscription. Our present year, 190S, 
corresponds with the Samaritan year 6187 ; the inscription therefore 
belongs to the year 1365 a.d., having been made 543 years ago. We 
may therefore infer that the use of sunk letters extends at least into 
the second half of the fourteenth century. 

Inscriptions with raised lettering are younger than the others; 
those dated belong to the eighteenth century a.d. In regard to some 
published by Sobernheim,* a scholar, un-named, has suggested the 
twelfth century a.d. On the roll-case of a Samaritan Pentateuch, 
which I have elsewhere described," the inlaid silver letters are of a 
form similar to that of raised lettering. The roll-case is dated, In 
the year 930 of the Beni Ishmael, i.e. 1538 a.d. 

We have, therefore, for the latest dated incised inscription, the 
year 1365. The lettering of this can hardly be said to differ from 
that found in the church at Nablus, which again very closely 
resembles that to which Rosen assigns a period pre-Justinian. 

On the other hand the earliest dated inscription in raised letters 
{the date, however, is in Arabic) among the following inscriptions, is 
of the year 1785. The lettering of this is almost identical with 
those (undated) of Sobernheim, which arc assigned to the twelfth 

We may hence infer the extreme difficulty as yet to be en- 
countered in the dating of Samaritan inscriptions. 

Inscriptions in incised letters have the abbreviations usually 
indicated by two dots. Words are divided in all cases by one dot. 

The photographs are taken hrom squeezes and may have suffered 

* Une NamttU Ckreniqut Sttmaritaiiu, ed. Adlbr and Sbliosokk, Parii, 

* MiUheiluHgeii und Nackruhiat dtt D.P. V., 1903, p. 71. 

' fnumaJ of lit AmerUan OrUnial Sontty,\dl. XXVII, pp. 104 If. 
385 2 



from the fact that, the squeezes having been made in wet weather, I 
was obliged to blacken the letters to prevent their obliteration. 
Some of the stones are much worn. 

Exodus xii, 13. 

■noN I. (Plate I.) 

m ■ n *? 

'ys ■ nin» ■ nottii 

in' vfyi nnon 

«pi^ oa'na !)« 
ITDiK pctti 
Peut. xxxi, 8. T^nn mn mm 

n'.T toni yxh 
itthM •\f\' »t!> : TtDff 
vevn K^ law 
lOK lOK nnn m^ 
Deut. xxxiii, age. I'n* ICTlDC'i] 

[Tnn onon hs nnxi -^ 
The size of the inscription is 14 inches x 15 inches. The last 
two lines are so badly damaged, that, excepts, no letter can be 
recognized on this portion of the squeeze ; the text is taken from my 
written copy. 

Line 4. MT. writes KSb instead of K13^ ■ 

Line 8. MT. omits 1 before «in . 

Line 13. MT, reads iDtniD3 instead of Dn03. c^ Insc, 8, 

Inscription 2. (Plate II.) 

■ PK ■ ^ ■ ynh* • nw' 
m • Dnapa ■ n'ni ■ pn 
• pxn ■ DM ■ iD'pn ■ -I'n 

SD ■ 'SiK ■ Ttw ■ rrtwn 
'inna ■ nvn ■ oanit 

Bl!>« ■ Cic ■ nxfz ■ pK 

■ I»» ■ p" • ^KTB" 
■ n' ■ nw ■ mw 


S.B.A. Pmctcdins!, Dir., 1908. 

^^. ^ 3 c^av S -^ /77 -^ X • b iJ -«, 



.V.fl..-f. Pi-Beeedinct, />,v. 




The aze of the inscription is 18 inches x 12 inches. The 
letters aie sunk. 

Line i. MT. has "ma' instead of ^iVT. 

Line 2. MT. omits yrhtt . 

Line 3. pn abbrev. for 'jpjsn . 

Line 4. -vn abbrev. for yrvn - ]inn abbrev. for WiMtn . 

Line 5. SD abbrev. for niso • 

Line 6. MT. has ^3V Via instead of njnna = Of 11 tna . 

Line 9. Workman omitted 3 before y^ . 

Line 10. nr followed by JiK, </. Jer. xxxiii, 11. 

Inscription 3. (Plate II.) 
Exodus XX, a. Sh ■ nin' • ^3» 

Exodus XX, 3. ^ • 1^ • n'H' ■ lA 

'iB - W ■ DnnR 
Exodus XX, 7. DC ■ riK ■ tnpD ■ K^ 

yrhtt ■ mn" 
3' ■ kS ■ '3 ■ KIB^ 
' - TK ■ nn - mn' 
KW^ • 10c ■ nt( 
The size of the inscription is 14^ inches x 18 inches. The 
letters are sunk. 

The last words of lines i, 3, 6, 7 are abbreviated. 

iNSCRIFtlOH 4. (Plate 11.) 

[mn> • MM 

Exodus XX, ia-17. nw ■ T3lt ■ riK ■ 133 

[IJlsnn' ■ iTO^ ■ y» 

TBK ■ niDinn ■ 'tu • TD' 

1^ ■ in] - yhvi ■ ni.T 

vfian ■ vh :mnn • vh 

[nujtn -K^ :333n - (A 

K^ : Tpip ■ np ■ Tjna 

wi^ • Tjn • nn ■ -mnn 

[inrn? ■ ijn rmt ■ -vorm 

ixrm • mow • nw 

CTBW ■ ^31 ■ TO»m 





The size of the inscription is 13 inches x 15 inches. The letten 
are sunk. It is injured on the left margin. 
Line 4. MT. has yrfnt instead of "yhtt. 
IJne 9. In accordance with Deut. v, 18, we have here imp. 
Line 10. MT. has nm. 
Line 11. MT. has rem instead of mtsnt. 

Inscription 5. (Plate III.) 

(t ■ tmvh 

Deut. iv, 31. tmim ■ ^t« • '3 

vp'rfftt nin' 

uiBT - nh 

[■pn'rw • kSi 

[n]K ■ n^er- ■ k^ 

rp^nax ■ n'-a 

lairff • vyn yptt 

beut xrviii, 6. [nwilt • tvu 

tT»-Ql ■ i 11113 

ri)nMY3 • nntt 
pw ■ ptc 
On the margin was the following verse, preserved only on the 
bottom and on the right-hand side. It be^s at the top on the left. 

Exodus jii, 33. nnun ■ ^ ■ mn' ■ nOBii 

n'npDcn ■ pn* ■ nisei 
■ tflA • D3'n3 • ^ m3^ 
The inscription is 15 inches x 9^ inches. The letters are sunk. 
Ex. xii, 33. MT. Its'? instead of ttisS ■ 

Inscription 6. (Plate III.) 

Deut. V, taa. [n3K'n Dl' ■ ntt ■ ittM? 

„ V, 14. insm ■ nri 

Exodus XX, iii. [W3B'n ■ D1»3 • ra*! 

nK nin' Ta ■ P ■ ^ 

irwnp^ ■ njmn ■ av 

j6k • P • DnM* ■ 3]n3D 

: \Mn niwstV] • inain] 
The inscription is ii^ inches x 11 inches. The letters are sunk. 
The stone was "written by Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, the priest, 
for a Kenisth." 



^.J!.A. y'mvvrfw^, />,;: 

V. -j^vn: 'I- Srn -»:<•/■<- 

a; .T^'=(uyn7'^*;i -TT 3 

^-^^3 ^39 




S.B..4. Pra-eedinxt, Dee., 




The last letters in Hoes 3 and 4 are much smallei than the 

l6(( abbrev. for -irif^K- 

Several individuals named Phinehas, "son of Eleazai," are 
mentioned in the " Chronicles," who, however, are high priests, and 
are, therefore, not to be identified with the builder of this Keniseh. 

Inscriptiok 7. (Plate III.) 

Deut. vi, 4-7. jy ^Aurt^ . WX? 

riK : h' : u<n^ 

[') hK • Wi'Ki : 1 

aV ! ^E3J • Tniw ■ n 

[11 rpti ^aatu la 

ni ■, TTiKD : ^3 

n ■ Dnain : v 

f'QJK - KPIK] nSt 

Sy ■ Bvn ■ 13SD 

[3] mail TT'i^^ 

n'33 • in3(?3 ■ D 

31] Tn3 ■ inD^i 

■PP3H • 1336' 

The size of the inscription is 13 inches x 6 inches. The letters 
are sunk. The top is decorated; many dots are used for this 
purpose, especially in the first three lines. 

line 3. The n is omitted after the k in nnrmv 

Line 9. "pvo is evidently a mistake for •y\'tO- 

Lines la, 13. MT, has "^ni ^Tl'33 instead of ^13^3 n»a3. 

Line 14. MT. has ^op31 instead of -^31. 

Inscription 8, (Plate IV.) 

Deut xxviii, 12. vi ■ ir • nin' ■ nno* 

V nR ■ aion • nxiK 

•\T» ■ T» • nR • nn^ 

3 ■ ntt ■ To^i ■ in» 

K • TT * nWD 




Deut xxxiii, 19. Ta<K ■ Vfta 

onoa 'ps • nnKi • i? 

Thesizeof the inscription is 19 inches x 12^ inches. The letters 
are sunk. 

The lines are not always perfect The last word is sometinies 
abbreviated, or the final letter may be broken from the stone. 

The last letter visible in line a appears to be a r, although we 
should expect an n, the first letter of D^ocn- 

Instead of the dual -^n* in line 5, the MT. has the Singular. 
There is an k after the ^ ; the letters following are illegible ; we may 
perhaps conjecture that the word should be pK. ef. Insc. i, 10. 

Line 7. MT. has )D*niD3 instead of DnQS) ^- Insc i. 

iMSCRtPTiOH 9. (Plate IV.) 
■ nin* ■ oea 
GenesiB xlix, 25. • •yam ■ T3K ■ ^ 

£i 'p'a- ■ nir • Sti 


The size of the inscription is 13 inches x 12 inches. The letten 
are raised. 

line 2. MT. reads nKD instead of ^o- 

Line 3. MT. has riKi for ^w , and 1 before -pia'. 

The date is given in Arabic : — 

"This blessed house was built in the month of Jumida 1153." 
A.H. Whether the ist or and month of Jumida is not stated. 

Inscription 10. (Plate V.) 

Exodus xii, 23. in> noei 

uu^i ■ nncn ■ 'n 

ivntmn ■ |n» 

na ■ hvt Kn^ 

Numbers vi, 24. mn' •^s'o:' 

i\«M yvtrm 


S.B.A. Praritiiiag!, De,:, 

NA^.rVr^l SI 






The size of the inscription is 1 1 inches x 9^ inches. The letters 
are raised. This inscription, bke iz, indicates the purpose for 
which it was intended. 

Line 4. waV, MT. lia^; <f. Inscr. i. 

Inscription 11. (Plate V.) 

The size of the inscription is 1 1 inches x 1 1 inches. The letters 
are raised. This inscription is, in part, identical with the preceding. 
It may be noted that the abbreviated words are indicated by two 

Line 3. MT. has -w* instead of tK'. 

Line 5. The letter ^e may possibly be the abbreviation of jdk ; 
cf. Insc. 1, V, VIII. 

The inscription was made in " the month el-^a'ade, in the year 

1183." A.H. The complete name of this month is jjuwH , j. 

Inscription iz. (Plate V.} 

- Snan ■ nin' ■ wa 

Numbers vi, 24. : e"i ■ nin' • "pia' 

Exodus xii, 33. : an ■ ^ : Ji' ■ nDBi 

The size of the inscription is 15^ inches x 4^ inches. The 
letters are raised. 

The purpose is indicated in the last tine, namely, its insertion 
into the wall of a house. 

The abbreviations are indicated here, as in 11, by two dots. 




By W. L. Nash, F.S.A. 

art given, lit ilbutriaion u the full site of the abj'etl. ) 

Plate I. 

21, One of a pair of ebony wands, made in the fonn of a human 
hand and fore-arm. These objects are found crossed on the breast 
of mummies, beneath the bandages. The lower part represents the 
uaz sceptre (commonly called the "Papyrus" sceptre). This is 
surmounted by a head of Hathor with a cow's ears, and beyond is a 
hand with outstretched lingers. Mr. Whvte thinks these wands 
were used as castanets in the Temple services. However this may 
be, it seems probable that they were intended to be magical The 
uas sceptre typified renewed youth and virility. Hathor played a very 
important part in connection with the welfare of the dead. Her 
cow-headed form may refer to the Cow-fetish, which is of Nubian 
origin. On the Xlth dynasty cofhn of Sepa from El Bersheh, now 
in the Cairo Museum, the goddess Hathor is said to "surround 
Sepa with the magical protection of life." ' The magical effect of the 
hand (or perhaps of the complete wand) may have been to con- 
secrate and to give air — i.e., breath — and water to the deceased.' 
Or it may have afforded protection against dangers in the Other 
World. In the "Book of Gates" the chain with which the great 
serpent Apep is bound is said to be held fast by the "Hidden- 
Hand," and twelve of the gods who grasp the chain are called warders . 
of the "sons of the helpless one" {i.e., of Apep), and are said to 
" keep guard over the deadly chain which is in the Hidden-Hand."^ 
Length 6J inches. Jn Mr. E. Tewry IVhyt^s ColUction. 

' Dr. Bddgb, " The Egyptian Heaven and HeU" III, 69. 

' I am indebted to Dr. Bqdub for these sagigestioDt. Alto see his " Book «/ 
the Dead" (English truislation), Chapter CXXV, pp. 374.^. and his " r*< Gedt 
eftk* Egypliaiu," under " Hathor," etc 

* Dr. BuDOB, " rkt Eg¥pti«M Heaven and HeU," II, 373. 


SJI.A. rm-fedmsK, Df.., lOoS. 



S.B.A. Prmediiiss, fi.y. 




22. Another similar wand, made of ivory. It is probably of 
much later date than the one described above. The arm is curved, 
and has lost the form of the sceptre, and the representation of the 
head of Hathor is omitted. But, no doubt, it was intended for the 
same magical purpose. Many examples of these wands have been 
found, e.g., one with the cartouche of Queen Aahmes, wife of 
Thothmes I, in the Turin Museum ; others in the British Museum, 
etc. Length 6J inches. In Mr. E. Towry IVhyte's Collection. 

Plate II. 

23. A pyramidal lid of a case to hold a mummied scarab, sur- 
mounted by the figure of a scarab, the wings of which hang down on 
either side. Part of the flange which fitted into the receptacle for 
the scarab remains. What is the purpose of the hole in one side, 
I do not know. Green glazed faience. 

In Mr. H. H. Blanckar^s Collection. 

24. An oblong bronze box for holding a mummied scarab, much 
corrodefl. On the top is a figure of a scarab. At the bottom of the 
case is a tang for fixing into a wooden siand. 

In Mr. R. U. Blanchard's Collection. 

25. The lid of a box to contain a mummied scarab. On it a 

figure of the beetle is painted in black. ■x\ inches square. 

In Mr. R. H. Blanchard's Collection. 

These boxes for mummied scarabs are more usually found made 
of wood ot bronze than of faience, and they are by no means common 
in any material. 

26. Part of a si strum-handle, having on one side O |8 Lf 
l^NectaHebus II), "beloved of Anhur," and on the other side his 
Throne name, nekht-neb-f, " beloved of Mehit." 

In the Author's Collection. 

27. A bronze Temple-seal, with the inscription "Amen per," the 
hieroglyphs being pierced. This was probably a seal of the Temple 
at Karnak, where it «as found. It is much corroded. 

In Mr. R. H. Blanchard's Collection. 

293 2 A 



The Anniversary Meeting of the Society will be held on 
Wednesday, January 13th, 1909. at 4.30 p.m., when the 
following Paper will be read: — 

Dr. Pinches: "The Goddess IStar ia Assyro-Baby- 
lonian Literature." 




t« of the modem Gebelfn 

Aa-m-ntur, a town on the island i 

„ probably pronounced lemiar or £ 

Amenemhat II, protocol of 

Amenhotp IV, a contract of the 5th year of 
„ peculiarities of caitouche of 

Ancient year, the, and the Sothic cycte 
Antharyuasb (DaiiuE 1), sistram handle with his cartouche . 
Aramaic Osttacon, an, from ElephaoUnC 
Arslan Tach, the " Lion's Stone"— a Hittite monument so called ., 

AsswSn, Egyptian Temple found at 

„ „ erected by Ptolemy Philopate 

„ ,, part of it used by the Copts as a Church 

Assyrian and ^yptian History ; Notes c 

A&n-rian incantation against rheumatism XXX. 

XXX. 8 

XXX. 8 

XXX. 90 

XXX. 272 

XXX. 373 

XXX. 95 

XXX. 153 

XXX. 18 

XXX. 43 

XXX. 73 

XXX. 73 

XXX. 73 

XXX. 13 

63. '45. MS 

Babylonian teaching concerning the origia of the n: 

BibJn el MolOIt. recent discoveries at 

Blemmyes, rule of the, in Upper Egypt 

... XXX. 
... XXX. 
... XXX. 

Cartouche, first used by Sneferu 
Cemetery, a Roman, at Shellal 

,, decapitated bodies found in... 
a prehistoric, at Shellal 

„ green-stonp scorpions found in 
Cemeteries ofXlIth and XX Ih dynasties 

„ Neeto skeletons found in ... 

Cofhn, the, ofTa-aalh 

Coptic Saints and Sinners 

. XXX. 94 

. XXX. 73 

. XXX. 73 

. XXX. 73 

. XXX. 73 

. XXX. 73 

. XXX. 73 

... XXX. » 
XXX. 231,376 





Dad amulst of blue gUa, with cutonche of Amenbetep III, »ad 

MjneofThyl XXX. 

Devil, the, over-rewbed by » MuslSwi XXX. 

Di-hetep-snten formala, the XXX. 

Diptych, a Greek, of the 7lh century XXX. 

Doll(?)ofivoi7 XXX. 

Egypt, recent discoveriea in 

Egyplian and Assyiian Hbtoiy, Notes on 

EgTptiui BDliquites, Notee on some (III) 


Emij Ghaii, Hiltite Inscriptions from ... 

EsM, a womui named in 

XXX. 73 

XXX. 13 

XXX. 153 

XXX. 392 

XXX. an 

ct of the 5th year of Amenhotp IV XXX. 373 

Folklore of Mossoul till) 

Gaw, .coin of, and Ihe Vision of Eiekiel XXX. 

descriptioD of XXX. 

„ ,, compared with a didrachm of Tarsus XXX. 

„ „ Inscription on reverse, in Phoenician characters ... XXX, 

itsdate XXX. 

winged wheel on XXX. 

Gebel^n, a man of XXX. 

GebelSn, anciently an island XXX. 

" Golden- Honis " title, a special name first attached to it by Khafra XXX. 

Greek Inscriptions from Upper ^ypt XXX. 

Gurun, Hittite Inscriptions from XXX. 

Hatshepsut, Queen, plaque with both a feminine and a masculioe 

Hesbin, GrafSti from 
Hitlite Monuments, iHi: 

Hittite Insciiptionf from Gurun and Emir Ghazi 

... XXX. 


... XXX. 


... XXX. 


... XXX. 



Horemheb, discoveiy of the tomb of XXX. 

„ Saicophagus of, supported by woodfn figures of deities XXX. 

Horos-Names ofThinites XXX. 

H;kso8, the, and the Xtllh dynasty XXX. 

Incantation, an Assyrian, against rheumatism 
Israel, the lost ten Tribes of 

...XXX. 63, 145, MS 
XXX. 107 


Kalian, Aramaic, and Greek Graffiti, Irom Hetban XXX. 38 

Kast, the, one of Itie confederated states ruled by the Hiitite kings 

ofBt^haiKeoi XXX. 319 

„ from Cappadocia, South of the Halys XXX. 319 

„ the KusI of tlie Assyrians XXX. 319 

„ extent of their empire XXX. 319 

Lexicographical Studies (I) 
., (ID 
Lullaby songs, Arab 

XXX. 266 
XXX. 370 
XXX. 32 


Masawwaiat es-Sufra and N'aga, the ruined sites at XXX. 192 

Hasawwaiat es-Sufia, description of the chief building at XXX. 193 

ruins of a palace (?) at XXX. 195 

„ ,, luins with columns, carved in relief irith men 

riding on animals XXX. 195 

„ „ difference between the buildings at, and those 

atMeroe XXX. 196 

„ „ buildings at, exhibit the most southerly stage 

of the Negro civilization founded at Napata XXX. 303 

Melji, goddess, Mence figure of XXX. 154 

Mehii, betoved of, a Title oq a sistrom-haadle of Nectanebiu II ... XXX. 393 

" Merciful one," the, a title of Merodach XXX. 59 

Merodach, the legend of XXX- 53, 77 

„ .his contest with Tiawath XXX. 55 



Mohon, ievm, themedberal Mebendi XXX. ii 

Monlh, length of die, in Babylonu XXX. 23t 

Moisoul, Die folk-lore of (III) -XXX. 30 

Mummy-ticket, A Greek XXX, ti 


Nablus, SamuitMt iiucription* found at XXX. 2S4 

N»g«, temple of Egyptian type at XXX. 197 

„ bnllding at, in Gneco-Roman Blyte, with Egyptian decoration XXX. 197 

„ temple at, with a dtomos flanked with ciio-sphinxes XXX. 197 

„ buildings at, exhibit the most southerly stage of the Negro 

civilization founded at Napata XXX. 303 

Neb-hapet-Ra {MmliiitUfi II), fragment of limestone with hi* 

cartouche XXX. 154 

Nectanebus II, usiruni'handle with his cartouche, and Title "Beloved 

ofMehit" XXX. 193 

Ne-uter-ra, protocol of, the earliest that contains all the live Royal 

Titles XXX. 92 

Ostracon, an AnuDoic XXX. 

Oslracon, an Aramaic, from Elephanlinf XXX. 

PenamituT, "he who belongs to Isle in stream" XXX. S 

Pepi I, a naos of, at Elephantine XXX. 72 

Phoenician Inscripiion, a, of B.C. 1500 XXX. 143 

Place-Names in Deubner's " Kosmas und DBmian" XXX. 139 

Flein-the-elder, his name on a Greek mummy-ticket XXX. 11 

Protocol, the, of Eg>-pl XXX. 86 

„ „ evolution of XXX. 90 

„ at beginning of IVth dynasty, included four Titles only XXX. 94. 

unchanged after the time of Tutankhamen XXX. 94 

Ptolemy V, protocol of XXX. 87 

Ftaiu XXX. 370 

Pyramid, the Great, dale of XXX, 104 


Itams, Mcred, discovery of sltar of, al ElepbantinS XXX. 73 

Rheninalisin, an Assyrian tncanlation against XXX. 63, 14;, 345 

„ ,, „ tnuulilerationof...XXX. 67, 145)345 

„ „ „ translation of ...XXX. 68, 149, 349 

Saints and Sinners, Coptic XXX. 231,176 

S<i:iii:fu and its deiivalives XXX. 166 

Samaritan Inscriptions, Notes OD some new XXX. 384 

Sameu-Ilnna, the first year of XXX. 70 

SargonI,kiogofKi»h,andSh»r.Gani-sham,tii^ofAkkad ... XXX. 238 

<Siirr»-Gl, his name on a monolith from Susa XXX. 23S 

„ to b« r«ad Sarru-uktn in Assyrian and Neo- Babylonian 

texts XXX. 338 

Scarabs (mumoued), cases foe XXX. 293 

Scorpions, green-stone models of, found in a cemetery at Shellal . . . XXX. 73 

Seal, a, with a Hittite Inscription XXX. 330 

Seal, a btonze, from the Temple of Kanmk XXX. 393 

Semiramis, is the Assyrian ^ammu-ramat, wife of Hadad-nirari III XXX. 16 

Senpap6Ji£, her name on a Greek mummy-ticket XXX. II 

Senplenis, her name on a Greek mummy-ticket XXX. 11 

Seti II, a tile with his pre- nomen XXX. 154 

Sharra-tikin, the ancient Sa^on XXX. 241 

Sistnmi -handle of Nectanebus II XXX. 393 

Snefeni the first king to use a cartouche XXX. 94 

" Son of Ra " title, first found used l^ Ne-user-ta of the Vth dynasty XXX. 94 

„ „ probably used by User-kaf XXX. 94 

Stela of Penamilur XXX. 8 

Susa, parts of a monolith from, bearing the name jSfirr»-Gl ... XXX. 238 

.StiftR ^ names of Thinites XXX. 128 

TaWh, the coSin of XXX. 20 

"Tablet of the 51 names," the seventh of the Babylonian 'Creadon' 

tablets XXX. 58 

„ „ translation of XXX. 60 



Tachdji, a Hittite monument from XXX. 

Tanaie, the name given to Gebelen b Roman times XXX- 

Ta-usert, Queen, discoveiy of her jewelleiy XXX. 

„ jewelleiy of, with her name and thai of Seti II ... XXX. 

Ten tribes of Israel, the lost XXX. 

Thinite Kings, titles of the XXX. 86, mi, 

Tiawalh, the Babylonian personification of chaos XXX. 

Title-beaiing monuments, the, of the Thisites XXX. 

Tshok-Goi.KoprUkoe, a monument from XXX. 

Tutankhamen, protocol of XXX. 

„ the liist king to pat tlie Horus-Ra title on the top of 

itieirtii XXX. 

Universe, Babylonian teaching concerning the origin of the . . . 
Userteseu II, protocol of 

... XXX. 54 
... XXX. 90 

Wands, Egyptian magical 

Wig-pendanl, with the name of Seli II 

... XXX. 29J 
... XXX- 116 

Year, inslitulion of the, by Merodach 


" Une ruede torabeaun i Saqqaiah" 

" Leg lapisseries d'Antinoe au Musf e d'Orleans " 




Ayrton, E. R 

Onm, W. E. 

Griffith, F.U 

Hollingwoith, E. W., M.j4. 
Jeiphanion, G. de 
Johns, Rev. C. H. W., M.jf. 
Jones, Rev, F, A. 

Langdon, Dr. S 

L^e, F 

Hurray, Miss 

Naah.V/.U.J'.S.J. ... 

KIdier, E.J. 

Pinches, T. G., £.£.£>. ... 
Piatt, A. F. R., Af.B. ... 

Robinson, W. A 

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Scott.Monoieff, P., Jtf..A. 
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Thompson, R. Campbell, A/..^. 
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30. 63, 145. 245 
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The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Qates from 

[SHA1.MANESER II, B.C. 859-825.} 

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